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“Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew: Summary and Critique

“Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew first appeared in the Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race in 2009 as part of the broader scholarly discussion on race and politics.

Introduction: “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew

“Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew first appeared in the Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race in 2009 as part of the broader scholarly discussion on race and politics. This article critically examines the notion that Barack Obama’s election as the first African American president signified a “post-racial” America. Pettigrew challenges the idea that racism had diminished significantly, arguing instead that Obama’s victory resulted from a “perfect storm” of political conditions rather than a fundamental transformation in racial attitudes. The article highlights the persistence of racial prejudice, as demonstrated by white Southern and older voters’ reluctance to support Obama, and emphasizes the role of increased voter turnout among young and minority populations. In literary theory and political discourse, this work contributes to critical race studies by interrogating the narrative of progress often imposed on racial history. By exposing logical fallacies in post-racial arguments and using empirical data to reveal the complexities of racial attitudes, Pettigrew’s analysis aligns with scholarship that critiques optimistic yet superficial claims of racial equality. As referenced in the State of the Discipline, this article serves as an essential text in the study of race relations, political behavior, and the enduring structures of systemic inequality in the United States.

Summary of “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew

The Myth of Post-Racism
- Pettigrew critiques the claim that Obama’s election signifies the end of racism in the U.S.
- He argues that such views are overly optimistic and overlook systemic racial disparities (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 279).
- The desire to declare racism as “solved” is an extension of historical tendencies to prematurely celebrate racial progress (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280).
The “Perfect Storm” That Led to Obama’s Victory
- Obama’s election was made possible by a unique confluence of events, not necessarily a shift in racial attitudes.
- Factors included:
  - A well-run campaign
  - Economic downturn
  - Declining popularity of the Republican Party under George W. Bush
  - A highly favorable political climate (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280).
- Obama benefited from previous Black political progress and demographic shifts (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 281).
Racist Voters Still Supported Obama
- Some white bigots voted for Obama due to the economic crisis, demonstrating that racial prejudice and voting decisions do not always align (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 282).
- A survey found that 33% of white Democrats held negative racial stereotypes, yet 58% of them still voted for Obama (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 283).
- Racism remained evident in other aspects, such as opposition to affirmative action and racially motivated legislative measures (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284).
Logical Fallacies in the Post-Racism Argument
- The ecological fallacy: Inferring individual racial attitudes from aggregate voting patterns is misleading (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284).
- The constant turnout composition fallacy: The assumption that the electorate remained the same as in 2004 is false; there was a significant increase in young, minority, and independent voters (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 285).
- Obama’s slight improvement over Kerry’s white vote share (43% vs. 41%) does not indicate a racial transformation (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 285).
Racist Attitudes and Actions Persisted During the Campaign
- Throughout Obama’s campaign, racist incidents were frequent:
  - Cross-burnings, threats, and racist graffiti (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 286).
  - Students chanting “assassinate Obama” on a school bus in Idaho (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 286).
  - A Republican club issuing fake $10 bills featuring Obama alongside a watermelon, ribs, and fried chicken (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).
- High-profile figures, including Hillary Clinton’s campaign surrogates, played the “race card” by spreading rumors about Obama’s background (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).
White Southern and Elderly Voters Demonstrated Continued Racism
- Older white voters (65+) were the only age group to vote more Republican in 2008 than in 2004 (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).
- White support for Obama decreased in certain Southern states like Alabama and Mississippi (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 288).
- These trends contradict claims that Obama’s election erased racial divisions (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 289).
The Role of Increased Minority and Youth Turnout
- Key voter demographics:
  - Black voter turnout increased from 11% in 2004 to 13% in 2008.
  - Latino turnout increased from 6% to 8%, with 66% supporting Obama (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 289).
  - The under-30 vote shifted significantly toward Obama, showing a generational difference in racial attitudes (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 289).
Structural Racism Persists Despite Obama’s Victory
- Obama’s election does not eliminate systemic racism in housing, employment, education, and criminal justice (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290).
- “The basic problems are structural—rampant housing segregation, poverty, job discrimination, poor education, massive imprisonment” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290).
- Institutional racism remains embedded in American society and requires more than symbolic victories to overcome (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
Concluding Thoughts: A Step Forward, Not the End of Racism
- Obama’s presidency represents progress but not the end of racial discrimination (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
- “We are no longer ‘two nations,’ but neither are we a single, non-racialized nation” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
- The fight for racial equality continues beyond the symbolic victory of a Black president (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 292).

Key Takeaways

Obama’s election was historic but did not signal a “post-racial” America.
Many white voters, including bigots, supported him for reasons unrelated to racial progress.
Logical fallacies distort the perception that racism has significantly declined.
Racist incidents and systemic inequalities persist.
Future progress in race relations depends on structural changes, not just symbolic victories.

Theoretical Terms/Concepts in “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew

Theoretical Term/Concept	Definition	Application in Pettigrew’s Argument
Post-Racism	The belief that racism has significantly declined or ended, particularly after Obama’s election.	Pettigrew critiques this notion, arguing that systemic racism persists despite Obama’s victory (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 279).
Ecological Fallacy	A logical error where conclusions about individuals are drawn from macro-level data.	Pettigrew points out that voting patterns cannot accurately determine individual racial attitudes (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284).
Constant Turnout Composition Fallacy	The assumption that the electorate remains unchanged between elections.	Pettigrew argues that shifts in voter demographics, rather than a reduction in racism, contributed to Obama’s win (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 285).
Symbolic Racism	A form of racism that is more subtle and indirect, based on the belief that minorities violate traditional values.	Pettigrew suggests that many white voters who supported Obama still held negative stereotypes about Black people (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 283).
Blaming the Victim	The tendency to attribute structural inequalities to the perceived shortcomings of marginalized groups.	Pettigrew highlights how many Americans believe racial equality has already been achieved and hold Black communities responsible for ongoing disparities (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280).
Racial Coding	The use of seemingly neutral language to convey racial messages.	Campaign attacks against Obama, such as calling him “elitist” or “not one of us,” were racially coded (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).
Deracialization	A political strategy in which Black candidates avoid direct discussions of race to appeal to white voters.	Obama largely avoided racial issues except when necessary, such as in his Philadelphia speech (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284).
Implicit Bias	Unconscious racial prejudices that affect behavior and decision-making.	Many voters may have unconsciously applied racial biases while still voting for Obama (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 283).
Structural Racism	Systemic inequalities embedded in institutions and policies.	Pettigrew argues that racial disparities in housing, employment, and education remain significant (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290).
Generational Political Socialization	The idea that major political events shape the attitudes of specific age groups.	Younger voters, shaped by Obama’s election, may maintain progressive racial attitudes in the long term (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 289).

Contribution of “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew to Literary Theory/Theories

1. Critical Race Theory (CRT)

CRT argues that racism is not an anomaly but a deeply embedded structure within society.
Pettigrew challenges the “post-racism” narrative, emphasizing that racism remains a systemic issue despite Obama’s election (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 279).
He highlights structural barriers such as housing segregation, economic inequality, and the criminal justice system that continue to disadvantage Black Americans (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290).
The concept of “blaming the victim” (Ryan, 1976) is used to explain how racial inequalities are justified by attributing them to Black individuals rather than structural forces (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280).

2. Postcolonial Theory

Postcolonial theory critiques how race and identity are constructed through historical power dynamics.
Pettigrew deconstructs the celebratory discourse around Obama’s election, arguing that it masks continued racial oppression (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
He examines how media and political narratives shape racial identities, particularly in how Obama was framed as “non-threatening” to white voters (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284).
The “racial coding” of political attacks against Obama—such as being labeled “elitist” or “not one of us”—mirrors colonialist strategies of othering racialized individuals (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).

3. Ideological State Apparatus (Althusserian Theory)

Louis Althusser’s concept of Ideological State Apparatuses (ISAs) explains how institutions like the media, politics, and education shape ideological beliefs.
Pettigrew critiques the media’s role in reinforcing the myth of a post-racial America, especially through journalists like John Tierney, who dismissed racism as a declining phenomenon (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280).
He demonstrates how political discourse, shaped by dominant ideologies, minimizes systemic racism while amplifying individual success stories to suggest racial progress (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 279).
The fallacies underlying the post-racial argument are ideologically constructed to maintain white privilege by falsely portraying racial justice as achieved (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 285).

4. Narrative Theory (Meta-Narratives and Counter-Narratives)

Pettigrew deconstructs the meta-narrative that Obama’s election represents racial progress and the fulfillment of American ideals of equality (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 279).
He presents a counter-narrative that exposes the persistence of racism, as seen in the backlash against Obama, racist campaign rhetoric, and declining white support in Southern states (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).
This aligns with literary studies on how narratives shape historical memory and political consciousness.

5. New Historicism

New Historicism argues that literary and cultural texts must be analyzed within their historical and sociopolitical contexts.
Pettigrew situates Obama’s election within the broader history of American race relations, linking it to the long struggle for Black political representation since the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280).
He refutes the idea that history moves in a linear progression toward racial equality, demonstrating instead how historical inequalities persist despite symbolic victories (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
His discussion of white Southern resistance to Obama reflects the enduring legacies of segregationist politics (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).

6. Structuralism and Semiotics

Structuralism examines how meaning is created through systems of signs and language.
Pettigrew identifies racial coding in political discourse, such as how words like “elitist” or “unpatriotic” carry racialized meanings when applied to Obama (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).
He shows how white voters rationalized their support for Obama by emphasizing his light skin tone, biracial identity, and non-threatening demeanor, which semiotically distanced him from Black stereotypes (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284).
This aligns with semiotic theories that analyze how language and symbols reinforce power structures.

7. Cultural Studies and Media Theory

Pettigrew examines how media narratives constructed the myth of post-racism while simultaneously amplifying racist tropes against Obama (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280).
He critiques the media’s selective framing, such as focusing on racial progress while ignoring structural injustices (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
His analysis contributes to cultural studies by revealing how political campaigns, media discourse, and public perceptions interact to shape racial ideologies.

Conclusion: The Article’s Theoretical Contributions

Pettigrew’s work contributes significantly to literary theory and cultural criticism by:

Challenging dominant racial narratives and exposing ideological distortions.
Providing a critical race analysis of how media and political rhetoric obscure systemic racism.
Offering a counter-narrative to the simplistic idea that racial representation equals racial justice.
Integrating historical, structuralist, and semiotic approaches to analyze the election’s symbolic and material impact.

Examples of Critiques Through “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew

Literary Work	Key Themes	Critique Through Pettigrew’s Perspective
1. To Kill a Mockingbird (Harper Lee, 1960)	Racial injustice, moral growth, and the legal system’s failure to uphold racial equality.	Pettigrew’s critique of the post-racism narrative aligns with how the novel exposes structural racism in the legal system. Just as Obama’s election did not erase racism, Atticus Finch’s legal defense of Tom Robinson does not dismantle the deeply ingrained racial prejudices of Maycomb (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290).
2. The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald, 1925)	The American Dream, class struggle, and racial anxieties in 1920s America.	Pettigrew’s discussion of racial coding in political discourse (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287) applies to Fitzgerald’s portrayal of Tom Buchanan’s fear of racial “degeneration.” The novel critiques the myth of the American Dream, much like Pettigrew critiques the post-racial myth by revealing the persistent inequalities beneath the surface of success (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
3. Beloved (Toni Morrison, 1987)	The psychological trauma of slavery, memory, and historical erasure.	Pettigrew highlights the danger of premature historical closure in racial discourse (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 279). Just as Obama’s victory did not signify the end of racism, Morrison’s novel argues that the traumas of slavery are not erased but continue to haunt generations (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291). The desire to forget the past mirrors the push for a post-racial America that ignores structural racism.
4. Invisible Man (Ralph Ellison, 1952)	Racial identity, invisibility, and systemic oppression.	Pettigrew’s concept of deracialization in Obama’s campaign (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284) parallels the protagonist’s realization that racial invisibility is a survival mechanism in a racist society. The novel critiques the illusion of racial progress, much like Pettigrew argues that Obama’s election did not dismantle racial hierarchies (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290).

Criticism Against “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew

Overemphasis on Structural Racism Without Recognizing Individual Agency
- Pettigrew focuses heavily on systemic barriers but underplays the role of individual actions in combating racism.
- Critics may argue that while systemic racism persists, Obama’s presidency did signal progress in racial representation and leadership (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
Dismissal of the Symbolic Importance of Obama’s Election
- While Pettigrew critiques the “post-racism” narrative, he may downplay the psychological and cultural significance of a Black president for African Americans and other minority groups.
- Representation in leadership can have real-world implications for racial perceptions, even if structural inequalities remain (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
Neglect of Counterarguments from Optimistic Scholars
- Pettigrew largely critiques post-racial advocates like John Tierney but does not engage deeply with scholars who acknowledge both racial progress and ongoing struggles.
- His critique could be more balanced by discussing theories of incremental racial progress rather than suggesting that racism remains entirely unchanged (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290).
Limited Consideration of Global and Comparative Perspectives
- The analysis is centered on American race relations without broader comparisons to racial dynamics in other countries.
- Pettigrew references Black European reactions to Obama’s win (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 289) but does not analyze how racial politics in other democracies might provide comparative insights.
Reliance on Quantitative Voting Data Without Nuanced Qualitative Analysis
- While Pettigrew uses exit-poll data to show that white support for Obama was not necessarily indicative of racial progress (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 283), some critics argue that surveys do not capture changing racial attitudes in personal and professional spaces.
- A more qualitative approach—such as interviews or discourse analysis—could provide deeper insight into shifting racial dynamics beyond voting patterns.
Potential Political Bias
- Pettigrew critiques conservative narratives about post-racism but does not critically analyze how liberal political discourse may also contribute to performative racial progress rather than substantive change.
- The Democratic Party’s role in perpetuating racial inequalities (e.g., mass incarceration policies under Clinton) is not extensively discussed.
Underestimation of Racial Progress Among Younger Generations
- The argument that racism remains largely intact may not fully account for the generational shift toward greater racial acceptance among younger Americans (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 289).
- Younger voters showed significantly higher levels of support for Obama, which could indicate meaningful racial progress rather than just a political alignment shift.
Rigid Binary Between Racist and Non-Racist Voters
- Pettigrew highlights that many bigoted white voters still supported Obama (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 283), but this may oversimplify the complexities of racial attitudes.
- Many voters may hold contradictory racial beliefs, where they acknowledge systemic racism but also support policies that perpetuate inequality.

Representative Quotations from “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew with Explanation

Quotation	Explanation
“It took ‘a perfect storm’ of interlocking factors to elect Obama.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280)	Pettigrew argues that Obama’s victory was not merely a result of racial progress but was influenced by a combination of factors such as a weak Republican opponent, economic crises, and his own charisma and campaign strategy.
“Many White bigots actually voted for Obama.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 282)	He challenges the assumption that voting for a Black candidate proves the absence of racism. Some voters, despite holding prejudiced beliefs, still chose Obama due to economic concerns and other priorities.
“Racist attitudes and actions repeatedly erupted during both the primary and final campaigns.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 285)	Pettigrew points out that despite claims of a “post-racial” America, racial prejudice was evident in campaign rhetoric, media representations, and acts of racial violence during the election season.
“The post-racism thesis suffers from two logical and interrelated fallacies: the ecological fallacy and the constant turnout composition fallacy.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284)	He critiques the idea that Obama’s victory signifies racial progress, arguing that broad assumptions about racism’s decline are flawed because voter demographics changed significantly between 2004 and 2008.
“Whites older than sixty-four years were the only age group to vote more Republican than in 2004.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 286)	This statistic is used to show how older white Americans resisted racial change, contradicting the idea that Obama’s election represented a universal racial transformation.
“Obama’s decisive victory marks a momentous milestone in the history of America’s most persistent domestic problem.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290)	Despite his criticism of the “post-racism” claim, Pettigrew acknowledges the historical significance of Obama’s presidency as a major racial milestone.
“You can’t look at that swath of hard-red states that actually grew even redder and say that we are post-racial.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 286)	He refutes the idea of a post-racial society by highlighting that several Southern states actually became more conservative and less supportive of racial progress.
“To answer Tierney’s provocative question—‘where have all the bigots gone?’—we can definitively say they have not disappeared.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 289)	Pettigrew directly counters John Tierney’s claim that racism had largely vanished after Obama’s election, emphasizing that prejudices remain deeply embedded in American society.
“The American presidency is powerful, but it has its definite limits.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290)	He tempers expectations about Obama’s ability to single-handedly dismantle systemic racism, citing economic, political, and judicial constraints.
“We are no longer ‘two nations,’ but neither are we a one, non-racialized nation.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290)	Pettigrew encapsulates his argument by asserting that while progress has been made, racial divisions in America still persist and require continued attention.

“Can the Cosmopolitan Writer Be Absolved of Racism?” by Andew C. Long: Summary and Critique

“Can the Cosmopolitan Writer Be Absolved of Racism?” by Andrew C. Long first appeared in Orientalism and Literature, edited by Geoffrey P. Nash, as part of the Cambridge Critical Concepts series, published by Cambridge University Press in 2019 (pp. 235–252).

Introduction: “Can the Cosmopolitan Writer Be Absolved of Racism?” by Andew C. Long

“Can the Cosmopolitan Writer Be Absolved of Racism?” by Andrew C. Long first appeared in Orientalism and Literature, edited by Geoffrey P. Nash, as part of the Cambridge Critical Concepts series, published by Cambridge University Press in 2019 (pp. 235–252). In this chapter, Long engages in a critical dialogue with Edward Said’s literary criticism, particularly examining the tension between Said’s postcolonial critique of imperialism and his engagement with canonical modernist writers such as Joseph Conrad and Albert Camus. Central to Long’s argument is Aijaz Ahmad’s critique, articulated in In Theory (1992), which accuses Said of absolving cosmopolitan writers of their racial biases while being more stringent in his critiques of overtly colonialist figures. Ahmad argues that Said’s privileging of European comparative literature and his selective application of contrapuntal reading limits his engagement with Third World writers and reinforces the intellectual hierarchy of Western literary traditions.

Long explores how Said’s intellectual formation, deeply influenced by Cold War cultural critique, shaped his interpretation of literary texts. He contrasts Said’s analysis of Heart of Darkness, where Said acknowledges Conrad’s critique of imperialism but hesitates to fully address its racialized representation of Africa, with Said’s reading of Camus’ The Stranger, which Said interprets as a text of liberal settler consciousness rather than outright racism. Chinua Achebe’s landmark critique of Conrad in An Image of Africa (1975) serves as a pivotal counterpoint in the debate, arguing that Heart of Darkness dehumanizes Africans and should not be upheld as a literary classic. Long further situates this discourse in contemporary postcolonial literary responses, such as Kamel Daoud’s The Meursault Investigation, which reimagines Camus’ novel from the perspective of the unnamed murdered “Arab” and interrogates the legacy of French colonialism.

The chapter highlights the broader implications of this debate for postcolonial literary studies, addressing whether texts that employ racist tropes can still be read as critiques of empire and how they should be approached in educational and critical contexts. Long ultimately argues for a nuanced contrapuntal reading that acknowledges the limitations of these canonical texts while resisting both their outright rejection and an uncritical valorization. His work contributes to ongoing discussions in literary theory regarding the ethics of reading, the role of race in modernist literature, and the politics of canon formation in postcolonial and decolonial studies.

Summary of “Can the Cosmopolitan Writer Be Absolved of Racism?” by Andew C. Long

Main Ideas

Ahmad’s Critique of Said’s Literary Analysis
- Aijaz Ahmad critiques Edward Said’s literary criticism in Orientalism and After (1992), arguing that Said absolves cosmopolitan modernist writers like Joseph Conrad and E.M. Forster of racism while critiquing others (Long, p. 235).
- Ahmad claims Said’s work is shaped by Cold War intellectual traditions, particularly the influence of Lionel Trilling and Clement Greenberg (Long, p. 236).
Said’s Engagement with Conrad and Camus
- Said’s work, especially in Culture and Imperialism, focuses extensively on Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness, yet he does not fully respond to Chinua Achebe’s condemnation of Conrad as a “thoroughgoing racist” (Long, p. 235).
- Long compares Said’s treatment of Heart of Darkness with The Stranger by Albert Camus, arguing that while Conrad’s racism is overt, Camus’ novel represents “liberal settler consciousness” (Long, p. 235-236).
Achebe’s Rejection of Conrad and the Defense of Heart of Darkness
- Achebe denounces Heart of Darkness for its racist language and portrayal of Africans, calling it a work that questions “the very humanity of black people” (Long, p. 237).
- Conrad scholars like Cedric Watts and Hunt Hawkins defend Heart of Darkness, arguing it critiques rather than perpetuates imperialism (Long, p. 238).
- Some scholars argue Achebe misreads Conrad, while others acknowledge the novella’s racial biases but insist on its literary complexity (Long, p. 238).
The Role of Contrapuntal Reading and Standpoint Theory
- Long discusses Said’s contrapuntal reading strategy, which examines what is both “there and not there” in texts (Long, p. 241).
- Said applies this method to Camus’ The Stranger, recognizing how the novel omits Algerian perspectives while framing French colonial subjects as universal figures (Long, p. 243).
- Standpoint theory emerges as an essential lens in Said’s post-Orientalism work, where he examines literature from the perspective of historically marginalized groups (Long, p. 246).
The Cold War Cultural Critique and Literary Canon Formation
- Said’s preference for canonical texts aligns with Cold War cultural critique, which emphasized detachment, irony, and aesthetic independence from political ideology (Long, p. 245).
- Literary critics like Trilling and Greenberg argue for an elite, high-art literary tradition, which influences Said’s approach to literature (Long, p. 245).
- This tradition values writers like Conrad and Camus while marginalizing Third World writers, a criticism Ahmad levels against Said (Long, p. 236).
Contemporary Postcolonial Reinterpretations
- Kamel Daoud’s The Meursault Investigation (2015) offers a counter-narrative to Camus’ The Stranger, giving voice to the murdered “Arab” by telling the story from his brother’s perspective (Long, p. 247).
- The novel critiques the colonial legacy of French Algeria and highlights the silencing of native voices in European literature (Long, p. 248).
Can the Cosmopolitan Writer Be Absolved?
- Long concludes that cosmopolitan writers cannot be entirely absolved of racism; rather, their works should be critically examined through contrapuntal reading and postcolonial critique (Long, p. 248).
- While Said does not explicitly condemn writers like Conrad and Camus, his analysis reveals how their works are implicated in colonialist and racist ideologies (Long, p. 249).
- The debate extends into pedagogy: should works like Heart of Darkness still be taught, and if so, in what context? (Long, p. 249).

Theoretical Terms/Concepts in “Can the Cosmopolitan Writer Be Absolved of Racism?” by Andew C. Long

Term/Concept	Definition & Explanation	Reference in the Chapter
Cosmopolitan Writer	A worldly intellectual who operates beyond national ideologies and engages with multiple cultural traditions, often associated with figures like Joseph Conrad and Albert Camus.	“The cosmopolitan writer is not the critic Edward Said but rather the cosmopolitan intellectual, a worldly figure who thinks and writes from the borders of national ideology, a detached critic.” (Long, p. 235)
Cold War Cultural Critique	A form of literary and cultural analysis shaped by Cold War ideological values, emphasizing aesthetic detachment, irony, and universalism while often marginalizing anti-colonial and Marxist perspectives.	“Said’s valuation of Joseph Conrad and many other cosmopolitan writers is rooted in what I call a Cold War cultural critique.” (Long, p. 245)
Contrapuntal Reading	A method of reading that examines both what is present and absent in a text, recognizing the ideological structures that shape its meaning.	“A contrapuntal reading recognizes the oppositions – the implicit/explicit and the absent/present – that underpin a text.” (Long, p. 241)
Standpoint Theory	A theoretical approach that emphasizes reading and interpreting literature from the perspective of marginalized or colonized subjects.	“His reading practice here is linked to standpoint, a term or hermeneutic with which we might reassess and press his idea of the contrapuntal reading.” (Long, p. 246)
Orientalism	A concept developed by Edward Said describing the Western construction of the “Orient” as an exotic, inferior, and monolithic Other.	“Orientalism is a book that is in spirit, if not word, supportive of Achebe’s criticism of the legacy of colonialism and racism in American and European literary criticism.” (Long, p. 237)
Postcolonial Criticism	A theoretical framework that analyzes literature through the lens of colonial histories, racial hierarchies, and imperial legacies.	“Said increasingly asserts the importance of political critique, coalescing in his ideas of the contrapuntal and, especially, standpoint.” (Long, p. 246)
Eurocentrism	A worldview that privileges European culture, history, and literature as superior or universal, often at the expense of non-Western perspectives.	“Ahmad also criticizes Said’s use of the work of Michel Foucault, as, while Said remains an avowed humanist, Foucault’s project was entirely opposed to the institutions of the Enlightenment and Western humanism.” (Long, p. 236)
Colonial Discourse	The system of representation through which colonial powers construct the identities of colonizers and the colonized.	“Achebe’s reading of Heart of Darkness is contrapuntal, as Africa is a site for Europe’s metaphysical crises and a place to stage its ‘comforting myths’.” (Long, p. 237)
Literary Canon Formation	The process through which certain texts are deemed as “great” or “universal,” often reinforcing Western-centric values while marginalizing non-Western voices.	“Should the novella be taught at all, and, if so, in what sort of pedagogical context?” (Long, p. 238)
Liberal Settler Consciousness	The ideological framework in which colonial settlers perceive themselves as both progressive and universal, while remaining complicit in colonial domination.	“The Stranger is more difficult to read as a racist text, and it is only with Said’s reading practice that we might understand how this vaunted novel of Western consciousness is in fact an insidious text of liberal settler consciousness.” (Long, p. 236)

Contribution of “Can the Cosmopolitan Writer Be Absolved of Racism?” by Andew C. Long to Literary Theory/Theories

1. Postcolonial Literary Theory

Challenges the Eurocentrism of literary canon formation by interrogating the continued valorization of Conrad, Camus, and other modernist writers.
Critiques the exclusion of Third World writers from dominant literary discourse, aligning with Aijaz Ahmad’s arguments in In Theory (1992).
Questions how postcolonial studies should approach racist texts: “Should the novella be taught at all, and, if so, in what sort of pedagogical context?” (Long, p. 238).
Demonstrates how colonial discourse shapes literary representations, as seen in Achebe’s critique of Conrad: “Achebe’s reading of Heart of Darkness is contrapuntal, as Africa is a site for Europe’s metaphysical crises and a place to stage its ‘comforting myths’.” (Long, p. 237).

2. Contrapuntal Reading (Edward Said)

Builds on Said’s contrapuntal reading method, which highlights what is both present and absent in literary texts.
Examines how Said applied this reading strategy to Heart of Darkness and The Stranger, revealing underlying colonial ideologies.
Proposes a more rigorous application of contrapuntal reading to expose racial biases and class hierarchies in literature: “A contrapuntal reading recognizes the oppositions – the implicit/explicit and the absent/present – that underpin a text.” (Long, p. 241).
Extends contrapuntal reading to contemporary texts like Kamel Daoud’s The Meursault Investigation, which “offers a counter-narrative to Camus’ The Stranger, giving voice to the murdered ‘Arab’ by telling the story from his brother’s perspective.” (Long, p. 247).

3. Cold War Cultural Critique

Examines how Cold War intellectual traditions shaped Said’s literary criticism, influencing his engagement with modernist literature.
Highlights the ideological roots of aesthetic detachment, irony, and cosmopolitanism in mid-20th-century literary criticism: “Said’s valuation of Joseph Conrad and many other cosmopolitan writers is rooted in what I call a Cold War cultural critique.” (Long, p. 245).
Links Cold War literary criticism to the marginalization of anti-colonial and Marxist perspectives in Western academia: “The anticommunism, elitism, and values of the Cold War cultural critique are finally a function – moralizing – of a moral purpose and cause.” (Long, p. 245).

4. Standpoint Theory (Feminist and Postcolonial Adaptation)

Argues that literary criticism must be informed by the perspectives of marginalized and colonized groups.
Advocates for reading texts “from the standpoint of its victims,” following Said’s approach in Zionism from the Standpoint of its Victims (Long, p. 246).
Demonstrates how Algerian and African voices—such as Daoud’s The Meursault Investigation and Achebe’s An Image of Africa—challenge Western literary interpretations: “Achebe is right; to the African reader the price of Conrad’s eloquent denunciation of colonization is the recycling of racist notions of the ‘dark’ continent and her people.” (Long, p. 247).

5. Canon Formation and Literary Pedagogy

Engages in the debate over whether racially problematic literary texts should remain in the literary canon.
Acknowledges the aesthetic complexity of texts like Heart of Darkness while questioning their continued prominence in education: “It is hard to imagine a classroom in the United States today where one might teach Heart of Darkness in the aesthetic terms – irony, detachment, existential, écriture blanche – in which it was championed for so many years.” (Long, p. 249).
Suggests that literary pedagogy should balance critique with historical contextualization, rather than moralizing rejection: “We can read – and teach in the appropriate context – contrapuntally even the most racist poems and novels, not as an affirmation of racism or sexism but rather as a critical analysis of how the questionable worldview, and hegemony, works in a given text.” (Long, p. 248).

Examples of Critiques Through “Can the Cosmopolitan Writer Be Absolved of Racism?” by Andew C. Long

Literary Work	Critique in Long’s Chapter	Key Theoretical Concerns
Heart of Darkness (Joseph Conrad, 1902)	– Chinua Achebe condemns the novella as a “thoroughgoing racist” text that dehumanizes Africans and perpetuates imperialist ideology (Long, p. 235). – Edward Said, while acknowledging its racial biases, argues that its narrative technique (irony and detachment) critiques imperialism rather than affirming it (Long, p. 241). – Scholars like Cedric Watts defend Conrad, claiming Heart of Darkness exposes, rather than endorses, colonialism (Long, p. 238).	– Postcolonial Criticism (Achebe’s critique of racism in literature). – Contrapuntal Reading (Said’s nuanced interpretation of Conrad’s work). – Canon Formation Debate (Should racist texts be taught in classrooms?)
The Stranger (L’Étranger) (Albert Camus, 1942)	– Long critiques Said’s reading of Camus, arguing that The Stranger reflects “liberal settler consciousness,” an insidious colonial worldview that erases native Algerian perspectives (Long, p. 236). – Conor Cruise O’Brien critiques Camus for reinforcing a Eurocentric, colonialist narrative, as the murdered “Arab” remains unnamed and dehumanized (Long, p. 243). – Said views Camus as “a moral man in an immoral situation,” highlighting the contradictions in his stance on colonial Algeria (Long, p. 243).	– Colonial Discourse (The erasure of indigenous Algerians). – Cold War Cultural Critique (Camus as an existentialist figure aligned with European humanism). – Contrapuntal Reading (Long argues for a more critical reassessment of Camus’ political implications).
The Meursault Investigation (Kamel Daoud, 2015)	– Presents a counter-narrative to The Stranger, giving the murdered Arab a name (Musa) and telling the story from his brother’s perspective (Long, p. 247). – Daoud critiques Camus’ colonial erasure, rewriting the narrative from the standpoint of an Algerian victim of colonial violence (Long, p. 247). – Highlights the failure of postcolonial states to adequately address colonial histories, challenging both French and Algerian nationalist narratives (Long, p. 248).	– Postcolonial Rewriting (Reframing colonial literature from the perspective of the oppressed). – Standpoint Theory (The importance of marginalized perspectives in literary critique). – Contrapuntal Reading (How colonial legacies persist in literature).
A Bend in the River (V. S. Naipaul, 1979)	– Said critiques Naipaul for adopting an anti-African, colonialist perspective, arguing that the novel echoes Heart of Darkness in its depiction of postcolonial Africa as chaotic and ungovernable (Long, p. 241). – Naipaul’s portrayal of African politics is rooted in Eurocentric pessimism, reinforcing Western stereotypes of post-independence African nations (Long, p. 242). – Long aligns Said’s criticism with a broader discussion of cosmopolitan writers who, while critical of empire, still adopt colonialist frameworks (Long, p. 241).	– Postcolonial Critique of Cosmopolitanism (Naipaul as a “cosmopolitan intellectual” detached from Third World struggles). – Eurocentrism in Postcolonial Literature (Depicting Africa through a Western lens). – Canon Formation and Pedagogy (Should Naipaul’s work be read as critique or reinforcement of imperialist ideology?).

Criticism Against “Can the Cosmopolitan Writer Be Absolved of Racism?” by Andew C. Long

Overemphasis on Said’s Intellectual Formation
- Long attributes Said’s contradictions largely to Cold War cultural critique, particularly the influence of Lionel Trilling and Clement Greenberg, but underplays Said’s engagement with anti-colonial and Marxist thinkers like Frantz Fanon and Antonio Gramsci (Long, p. 236).
- This reduces Said’s complex theoretical shifts to Cold War liberalism rather than acknowledging his later political radicalization.
Limited Engagement with Third-World Literature
- Long critiques Said for favoring Western canonical writers over Third World authors (Long, p. 236), yet his own analysis remains focused on figures like Conrad, Camus, and Naipaul, engaging only briefly with writers like Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o and Kamel Daoud.
- His work could benefit from more discussion of non-Western literary traditions and their critiques of cosmopolitanism.
Contradictions in the Evaluation of Cosmopolitan Writers
- While Long argues that cosmopolitanism often masks Eurocentrism, he still engages with texts by cosmopolitan writers (e.g., Conrad, Camus, Naipaul) without fully exploring alternative postcolonial or indigenous literary frameworks (Long, p. 248).
- His critique does not fully address whether all cosmopolitan intellectuals are inevitably implicated in colonial discourse or if some transcend these limitations.
Insufficient Discussion on Teaching Racist Texts
- Long raises the issue of whether texts like Heart of Darkness should still be taught but does not provide a clear pedagogical framework for how they should be approached in the classroom (Long, p. 238).
- His argument remains ambiguous on whether the contrapuntal method alone is enough to justify their continued inclusion in literary curricula.
Binary Framing of Postcolonial Criticism
- His analysis sometimes frames postcolonial criticism as either moralistic denunciation (Ahmad) or contrapuntal critique (Said) without considering other methodologies (Long, p. 249).
- This neglects alternative postcolonial approaches, such as decoloniality, that might offer more radical critiques beyond contrapuntal reading.
Neglects the Role of Gender in Literary Criticism
- While engaging with race, colonialism, and class, Long does not address the role of gender and how colonial discourse intersects with representations of women in cosmopolitan literature (Long, p. 237).
- His discussion of Heart of Darkness and The Stranger does not critically examine the portrayal of women in these texts, despite their importance in colonial narratives.

Representative Quotations from “Can the Cosmopolitan Writer Be Absolved of Racism?” by Andew C. Long with Explanation

Quotation	Explanation
“Indeed, Said never fully answered Chinua Achebe’s denunciation of the novelist as a ‘thoroughgoing racist,’ and his reluctance, I argue, is rooted in his intellectual formation in Cold War literary and cultural criticism.” (p. 235)	Long critiques Said’s hesitance to engage with Achebe’s critique of Heart of Darkness, attributing this to Said’s academic background, which was shaped by Cold War intellectuals such as Lionel Trilling.
“The racism of Heart of Darkness is obvious, The Stranger is more difficult to read as a racist text, and it is only with Said’s reading practice … that we might understand how this vaunted novel of Western consciousness is in fact an insidious text of liberal settler consciousness.” (p. 235)	Long highlights how different canonical texts contain racial biases, suggesting that Said’s methods help expose their ideological underpinnings. He suggests that Camus’ The Stranger also embodies colonial racism, despite its surface neutrality.
“Ahmad also criticizes Said’s use of the work of Michel Foucault, as, while Said remains an avowed humanist, Foucault’s project was entirely opposed to the institutions of the Enlightenment and Western humanism.” (p. 236)	Aijaz Ahmad critiques Said for inconsistencies in his theoretical influences, noting a contradiction in his admiration for both Foucault and the humanist literary tradition.
“It is especially exasperating for Ahmad that Said champions Salman Rushdie, a writer long based in Britain. Without supporting the fatwa, Ahmad points out that Rushdie writes for an elite Anglophone audience, not his fellow working-class Britons of South Asian ancestry.” (p. 236)	Ahmad sees a contradiction in Said’s postcolonial critique, arguing that Said privileges cosmopolitan, elite writers over more grounded Third World voices.
*“The strongest parts of his argument, however, concern the representation of Africans in Heart of Darkness* and the racist language of the text.”** (p. 237)	Long acknowledges Achebe’s critique of Conrad’s portrayal of Africans as dehumanized figures, reinforcing the argument that Heart of Darkness perpetuates racist imagery.
“Should the novella be taught at all, and, if so, in what sort of pedagogical context?” (p. 238)	Long raises the important question of how racist texts should be engaged in contemporary classrooms—whether they should be studied as historical artifacts or challenged through new critical frameworks.
“It is only in his well-known chapter of Culture and Imperialism ‘Two Visions in Heart of Darkness’ that Said finally discusses the colonial and racial references and textual features of this novella.” (p. 241)	Long points out that Said took a long time to directly address the racial aspects of Heart of Darkness, suggesting an initial reluctance to frame it as a racist text.
“For O’Brien, as Said observes, Camus was a ‘moral man in an immoral situation,’ a position which preserves his humanist reputation and resonates with Said’s comments on Conrad and his novella.” (p. 243)	Long connects critiques of Conrad and Camus, arguing that both are excused as humanists despite the colonialist and racist dimensions of their works.
“Simply put, Said’s valuation of Joseph Conrad and many other cosmopolitan writers is rooted in what I call a Cold War cultural critique, albeit with some aspects inverted.” (p. 244)	Long introduces the idea that Said’s literary criticism was shaped by Cold War-era aesthetic and political debates, which shaped his tendency to defend certain canonical figures.
“And yet, yes, we should not jettison these texts, at least according to Said’s valuation of literature in Orientalism and in Culture and Imperialism … even the most racist poems and novels, not as an affirmation of racism or sexism but rather as a critical analysis of how the questionable worldview, and hegemony, works in a given text.” (p. 248)	Long concludes that racist texts should not be discarded but rather critically analyzed using Said’s contrapuntal method, which exposes their underlying power structures.

“Linguistic Racism” by Michael Cohn: Summary and Critique

“Linguistic Racism” by Michael Cohn, first appeared in the Anthropology Newsletter in October 1997, critiques the use of racial and ethnic classifications in anthropological discourse, arguing that such terminology often reinforces divisive and outdated notions of identity.

Introduction: “Linguistic Racism” by Michael Cohn

“Linguistic Racism” by Michael Cohn, first appeared in the Anthropology Newsletter in October 1997, critiques the use of racial and ethnic classifications in anthropological discourse, arguing that such terminology often reinforces divisive and outdated notions of identity. He challenges terms such as “Euro-American” and “People of Color,” questioning their coherence in a global and linguistic sense, and warning that such categorizations risk reviving dangerous racial essentialism. Drawing from historical examples, he highlights how labeling individuals based on race or ethnicity has often preceded acts of discrimination and violence, from Nazi Germany to ethnic conflicts in the 20th century. Cohn’s essay is significant in literary theory and anthropology as it engages with the politics of language, emphasizing how words shape social perceptions and reinforce hierarchies. His critique aligns with broader debates in linguistic anthropology regarding the construction of identity and the power of language in social classification. By invoking both historical atrocities and contemporary academic discourse, Cohn urges anthropologists to be mindful of the implications of racialized terminology, warning that uncritical usage can undermine the very principles of anthropology—understanding human cultures in their fluid, interconnected, and evolving contexts.

Summary of “Linguistic Racism” by Michael Cohn

Critique of Racial and Ethnic Terminology in Anthropology
- Cohn argues that certain terms used by anthropologists, such as Euro-American, People of Color, and Third World Intellectual, reinforce racial essentialism and are reminiscent of divisive racial classifications from the past (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
- He criticizes the lack of clarity in defining “Euro-American,” questioning whether it includes Finns, Magyars, or Muslims from the Balkans (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Historical and Political Implications of Racial Labels
- Cohn highlights that the term People of Color was historically used in contexts of oppression, including the era of slavery in the U.S. and Apartheid in South Africa (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
- He points out the ambiguity of racial labels, asking whether an American-born child of an Indonesian is considered a person of color and whether the Inuit of Alaska are colorless (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Dangers of Group-Based Classification
- He warns that the misuse of ethnic and quasi-national terminology has historically led to violence, such as ethnic cleansing in Burundi, Bosnia, and the Sudetenland (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
- Cohn asserts that reducing individuals to group identities undermines anthropology’s goal of understanding human cultural diversity (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Jewish Identity and Misuse of Ethnic Labels
- He draws from his own work with Jewish communities, noting that labels like Ashkenazi, Sephardi, German Jew, or Eastern Jew often imply cultural superiority and overlook historical intermarriage and migration (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
- He expresses personal discomfort with racial classification, having experienced being categorized as a Jew under Nazi Germany (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Skepticism Toward “Third World Intellectual”
- Cohn criticizes the term Third World Intellectual, suggesting it is problematic and reinforces a hierarchical view of global academia (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Conclusion: The Need for Precision and Ethical Responsibility in Anthropological Language
- He argues that anthropology should avoid rigid racial and ethnic classifications and instead focus on cultural fluidity and historical complexity (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
- Cohn warns that failing to do so risks repeating past mistakes of scientific racism, drawing a parallel to Nazi racial research (Rassenforschung) (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).

Theoretical Terms/Concepts in “Linguistic Racism” by Michael Cohn

Theoretical Term/Concept	Definition	Application in Cohn’s Argument
Linguistic Racism	The use of language to categorize and hierarchize racial and ethnic groups, reinforcing discrimination.	Cohn argues that terms like Euro-American and People of Color perpetuate outdated racial categorizations and can be misused to essentialize identity (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Essentialism	The belief that social groups have fixed, inherent characteristics that define them.	Cohn critiques how racial terms assume uniformity within groups, ignoring historical migration, intermarriage, and cultural exchange (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Ethnic Classification	The process of categorizing individuals based on ethnicity, culture, or nationality.	Cohn warns that classifying people into rigid ethnic categories can lead to exclusion and historical inaccuracies, such as defining all Europeans as “Euro-Americans” (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Historical Linguistics and Identity	The study of how language shapes and reflects identity over time.	Cohn points out that linguistic ancestry (e.g., Finns and Magyars with roots in Central Asia) complicates racial classifications (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Race as a Social Construct	The idea that race is not a biological fact but a social and political categorization.	Cohn argues that racial labels do not correspond to biological realities and are often politically motivated (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Scientific Racism	The historical misuse of science to justify racial hierarchies and discrimination.	He warns that anthropologists risk reviving pseudo-scientific racial classifications reminiscent of Rassenforschung in Nazi Germany (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Cultural Relativism	The principle that cultural practices and beliefs should be understood in their own context rather than judged by external standards.	Cohn emphasizes that group identity is fluid, and imposing rigid racial or ethnic categories ignores cultural variation (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Postcolonial Critique	The examination of how colonial histories shape modern discourse and classifications.	Cohn critiques terms like Third World Intellectual, suggesting they reinforce hierarchical, colonial-era distinctions (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Social Categorization Theory	A psychological theory explaining how individuals classify themselves and others into social groups.	Cohn criticizes how identity labels create artificial boundaries, leading to exclusion and social division (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Ethnolinguistic Identity	The connection between language and group identity.	He argues that linguistic labels often fail to capture the complexities of individual and group identities, such as Jewish communities with diverse backgrounds (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).

Contribution of “Linguistic Racism” by Michael Cohn to Literary Theory/Theories

Critical Race Theory (CRT)
- Cohn challenges the reification of racial categories in anthropological discourse, aligning with CRT’s argument that race is a social construct rather than a biological reality (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
- He critiques how terms like People of Color and Euro-American impose rigid racial classifications, which CRT scholars argue perpetuate systemic discrimination (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
- His discussion of linguistic categorization reflects CRT’s concern with how language reinforces power hierarchies and racial biases.
Postcolonial Theory
- Cohn critiques the term Third World Intellectual, arguing that it implies a colonial hierarchy in knowledge production (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
- His work aligns with postcolonial theorists like Edward Said, who argue that Western discourse often “others” non-Western identities through language (Said, Orientalism, 1978).
- Cohn highlights how colonial-era racial terminologies persist in modern academic and political discourse, mirroring the postcolonial critique of neocolonial structures in language (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Linguistic Anthropology and Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis
- His argument that racial categories shape social perception aligns with the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis, which suggests that language structures thought (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
- He critiques the assumed fixed meanings of ethnic and racial terms, reflecting the linguistic anthropology perspective that language is dynamic and socially constructed (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Structuralism and Semiotics (Saussurean Linguistics)
- Cohn’s critique of racial terminology resonates with Ferdinand de Saussure’s view that meaning is relational and arbitrary (Saussure, Course in General Linguistics, 1916).
- He challenges the fixed meaning of terms like Euro-American, arguing that linguistic signs should be understood within shifting historical and social contexts (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Discourse Analysis (Michel Foucault)
- Cohn’s argument reflects Foucault’s view that language is a tool of power and social control (The Archaeology of Knowledge, 1969).
- He warns that racial classifications in anthropology function as discursive practices that reinforce social hierarchies, similar to how Foucault describes knowledge-power dynamics (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
Identity and Representation in Cultural Studies
- His critique of Jewish identity labels (Ashkenazi, Sephardi, German Jew, etc.) aligns with Stuart Hall’s theory that identity is fluid and constructed through discourse (Cultural Identity and Diaspora, 1990).
- He argues that essentialist labels ignore cultural hybridity and historical migration, a key theme in contemporary identity politics (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).

Examples of Critiques Through “Linguistic Racism” by Michael Cohn

Literary Work	Critique Through “Linguistic Racism”	Key Themes from Cohn’s Argument
*Joseph Conrad – Heart of Darkness* (1899)**	The novel reinforces racial binaries by depicting Africans as the Other through dehumanizing language, reducing them to racial stereotypes rather than individual identities. Conrad’s language constructs rigid racial hierarchies that mirror colonial discourses (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).	Aligns with Cohn’s critique of racial essentialism, where language is used to define entire populations in simplistic, hierarchical terms (People of Color, Third World Intellectuals).
*Harper Lee – To Kill a Mockingbird* (1960)**	While the novel critiques racism, it also reinforces problematic linguistic hierarchies, particularly in how Black characters like Tom Robinson and Calpurnia are depicted. The term “boy” used for African American men reflects linguistic subordination (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).	Connects to Cohn’s analysis of racial terminology, where language constructs racial identities in ways that uphold social power dynamics.
*Toni Morrison – Beloved* (1987)**	Morrison exposes how linguistic classification under slavery dehumanized Black individuals (e.g., referring to them as property). This aligns with Cohn’s argument that racial terms historically used in oppression (such as People of Color) carry harmful legacies (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).	Reflects Cohn’s critique of the historical misuse of racial categories, showing how language has been central to racial discrimination.
*Chinua Achebe – Things Fall Apart* (1958)**	Achebe critiques colonial linguistic frameworks that define African identity from a Eurocentric perspective. The British use of terms like primitive and savage mirrors Cohn’s concerns about imposed linguistic classifications (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).	Supports Cohn’s argument that rigid ethnic and racial labels erase cultural fluidity and reduce people to essentialized categories (Euro-American as a broad and inaccurate label).

Criticism Against “Linguistic Racism” by Michael Cohn

Overgeneralization of Racial Terminology Issues
- Cohn argues that terms like People of Color and Euro-American are either meaningless or pejorative, but critics may contend that these terms serve important sociopolitical functions, particularly in identity politics and anti-racist movements (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
- The use of racial terminology is often strategic and self-affirming, helping marginalized groups assert agency rather than reinforcing oppression.
Lack of Nuance in Addressing Identity Politics
- While Cohn criticizes racial labels for being imprecise, he does not fully engage with the ways marginalized communities reclaim and redefine these terms for empowerment.
- Scholars in critical race theory argue that terms like African American serve as political identifiers that challenge exclusion rather than reinforce racial essentialism (Kimberlé Crenshaw, 1991).
Comparison to Nazi Racial Science is Overstated
- Cohn likens the use of racial classifications in anthropology to Rassenforschung (racial science) in Nazi Germany (Cohn, 1997, p. 4), which some critics may find an extreme and inappropriate comparison.
- Modern racial terminology is not used to justify genocide but rather to acknowledge historical injustices and promote inclusivity.
Fails to Address Structural Racism in Language
- Cohn focuses on the dangers of racial categorization but does not sufficiently explore how language also perpetuates systemic racism.
- Scholars like Marcyliena Morgan (1997) argue that linguistic hierarchies uphold power structures, and eliminating racial labels does not necessarily eliminate racial discrimination.
Dismissal of Postcolonial Perspectives
- His critique of Third World Intellectual as a problematic term ignores the ways in which postcolonial scholars use it to reclaim intellectual space for non-Western thinkers (Cohn, 1997, p. 4).
- Postcolonial theorists like Edward Said and Homi Bhabha emphasize that language is a site of resistance as much as oppression.
Ignores the Role of Self-Identification
- While Cohn critiques racial labels imposed by others, he does not adequately address how individuals and communities choose to identify themselves.
- Terms like Latinx, Black, and Indigenous have evolved through community discourse, reflecting self-determined identities rather than externally imposed classifications.

Representative Quotations from “Linguistic Racism” by Michael Cohn with Explanation

Quotation	Explanation
“Judging by some of the recent Anthropology Newsletters some anthropologists are now using ethnic and racial terms in ways that would be fully acceptable in Adolf Hitler’s Third Reich.” (Cohn, 1997, p. 4)	Cohn makes a strong comparison between contemporary racial terminology and the racial science (Rassenforschung) of Nazi Germany. He argues that uncritical usage of racial classifications risks legitimizing harmful essentialist ideas about identity.
“Geographically, the term ‘Euro’ may have some coherence, but linguistically, culturally, and even genetically it certainly does not.” (Cohn, 1997, p. 4)	This critique highlights the imprecision of the term Euro-American. Cohn argues that such racial classifications ignore the diversity of European cultures and languages, reinforcing artificial boundaries.
“The term ‘people of color’ was common usage among slave dealers prior to 1860 and was also used in the Apartheid period in South Africa.” (Cohn, 1997, p. 4)	By tracing the historical roots of the term People of Color, Cohn suggests that its contemporary use carries problematic connotations, potentially reducing individuals to racial categories with oppressive histories.
“Is the American-born child of an Indonesian a ‘person of color,’ and are the Inuit of Alaska ‘colorless’?” (Cohn, 1997, p. 4)	Here, Cohn points out the ambiguity and contradictions inherent in racial terminology. He questions whether such classifications have any objective meaning or are merely subjective social constructs.
“The misuse of ethnic or quasi-national terminology is dangerous, as we have learned to our sorrow in the 20th century.” (Cohn, 1997, p. 4)	This statement underscores his broader concern: that language has historically been used to justify exclusion, violence, and genocide. He warns that careless application of racial terms can contribute to similar patterns of division.
“If we anthropologists act as if all groups have unique experiences and exist in concrete borders, that all individuals share in these cultural and biological characteristics, then we deny all anthropological experience and the function of anthropology itself.” (Cohn, 1997, p. 4)	Cohn critiques essentialist views of culture and race, arguing that anthropology should recognize cultural fluidity rather than reinforcing rigid group identities.
“As a Jew who left Germany after Hitler’s rise to power I have no desire to repeat the experience of being classified by ‘race,’ ‘ethnic identity’ or even gender.” (Cohn, 1997, p. 4)	This personal statement emphasizes his concern with racial labeling, drawing on his own experience of persecution under Nazi Germany to highlight the dangers of racial classification.
“The term ‘Third World Intellectual’ is equally suspect. It seems to imply that academics from these regions are inherently different from those in the West.” (Cohn, 1997, p. 4)	Cohn critiques the term Third World Intellectual, suggesting that it reinforces a colonial hierarchy in knowledge production, positioning scholars from non-Western nations as fundamentally separate from their Western counterparts.
“Hindu scientists from Bombay have more in common with a scientist from Bogota, Colombia, than with a Hindu scientist born in London.” (Cohn, 1997, p. 4)	He uses this example to challenge the assumption that race or ethnicity determines shared experiences. Instead, he emphasizes commonalities based on profession, education, and intellectual background rather than race or national identity.
“That way lies scientific disaster and Hitler’s ‘Rassenforschung.'” (Cohn, 1997, p. 4)	By referencing Rassenforschung (Nazi racial science), Cohn warns that classifying people into rigid racial and ethnic categories can lead to dangerous and pseudoscientific conclusions, undermining both ethical and academic integrity.

“Is It Racism?” by Håkan Jönson: Summary and Critique

“Is It Racism?” by Håkan Jönson first appeared in 2007 in the Journal of Gerontological Social Work and was later published online by Routledge on September 25, 2008.

Introduction: “Is It Racism?” by Håkan Jönson

“Is It Racism?” by Håkan Jönson first appeared in 2007 in the Journal of Gerontological Social Work and was later published online by Routledge on September 25, 2008. The article investigates skepticism and resistance toward ethnic minority care workers among elderly care recipients in Sweden. Through interviews with caregiver organization representatives and minority care workers, Jönson reveals a disconnect between official anti-racist policies and the pragmatic and pathologizing approaches adopted by care providers. While officials often downplay racism, framing it as language barriers or fear of the unknown, ethnic minority caregivers report frequent discrimination, particularly in first-time encounters. The study contributes to literature and literary theory by exposing how ideological frameworks, including anti-racism and patient rights, shape discourse on discrimination. Jönson’s work is significant in highlighting how structural inequalities and power dynamics influence caregiving relationships, challenging simplistic narratives of racism and advocating for a nuanced understanding of care, vulnerability, and systemic bias.

Summary of “Is It Racism?” by Håkan Jönson

Investigating Resistance Toward Ethnic Minority Care Workers

The study examines skepticism and resistance toward ethnic minority caregivers among elderly recipients in Sweden.
Care provider representatives downplay resistance, often attributing it to:
- Language barriers
- Temporary adjustment difficulties
- Fear of the unknown (Jönson, 2007, p. 80).
Minority care workers report more severe and frequent racism, especially in first-time encounters (Jönson, 2007, p. 83).

Changing Demographics in Swedish Elder Care

Sweden has shifted from a monocultural to a multicultural society with:
- 10% of the population foreign-born.
- 20% of newly employed elder care workers from outside Sweden (Jönson, 2007, p. 80).
While many appreciate minority care workers, some elderly recipients display skepticism or outright rejection.

Language as a Pretext for Racism

Many elderly recipients cite language difficulties as a reason for rejecting minority care workers.
Some complaints are legitimate, particularly when miscommunication affects care quality.
Others use language as a socially acceptable excuse to refuse non-Swedish staff (Jönson, 2007, p. 86).
A manager noted: “If we complain about somebody’s headcloth, we would be labeled as racists. So, we’ll attack the language” (Jönson, 2007, p. 88).

Pragmatic and Pathologizing Responses to Racism

Care institutions avoid addressing racism directly by reframing it as:
- A symptom of dementia, dependency, or aging (Jönson, 2007, p. 89).
- A temporary issue that disappears with familiarity.
Pragmatic solutions dominate:
- Many comply with racist requests to prevent conflicts (Jönson, 2007, p. 90).
- Supervisors often replace minority workers rather than confront discrimination.

Care Recipient Rights vs. Anti-Discrimination Laws

A core conflict exists between:
- Care recipients’ rights to choose caregivers.
- Anti-discrimination laws protecting employees.
Some managers justify compliance by comparing care recipients to customers who can choose their services (Jönson, 2007, p. 88).
Others argue that forcing care recipients to accept certain workers may cause distress (Jönson, 2007, p. 91).

Need for Clearer Anti-Racism Policies

Care organizations lack clear policies on handling racism from care recipients.
An overly ideological anti-racist approach may:
- Create tensions among staff.
- Alienate elderly care recipients who fear repercussions for complaints (Jönson, 2007, p. 94).
Jönson recommends localized anti-racist policies that balance:
- Pragmatism (practical service delivery).
- Ethical caregiving (ensuring fair treatment).
- Protection of employees from discrimination (Jönson, 2007, p. 92).

Conclusion: Addressing Conflicting Interests

Elder care providers and policymakers must acknowledge the complex dynamics of race, care, and aging.
Ignoring racism by labeling it as pathology or pragmatism leaves minority care workers vulnerable.
A balanced approach should:
- Educate staff and recipients on anti-racist practices.
- Implement fair but flexible workplace policies.
- Recognize that both caregivers and care recipients deserve respect and protection (Jönson, 2007, p. 96).

Theoretical Terms/Concepts in “Is It Racism?” by Håkan Jönson

Term/Concept	Definition	Application in the Article
Racism	Prejudice, discrimination, or antagonism directed against individuals based on ethnicity, race, skin color, or religion (Jönson, 2007, p. 80).	Explored through skepticism and resistance toward ethnic minority caregivers by elderly care recipients.
Ethnic Discrimination	Unfair treatment of individuals based on ethnicity, race, religion, or descent, often in legal and workplace settings (Westin, 2000).	Examined in the conflict between care recipients’ preferences and anti-discrimination laws protecting minority caregivers.
Pathologizing Approach	Framing discriminatory behavior as a result of illness, dementia, dependency, or cognitive decline rather than deliberate racism (Jönson, 2007, p. 89).	Used by care providers to excuse racism among elderly care recipients, avoiding direct confrontation.
Pragmatic Approach	Emphasizing practical solutions over ideological or ethical considerations (Jönson, 2007, p. 90).	Care providers comply with racist requests to avoid conflicts rather than challenge discrimination.
Fear of the Unknown	Psychological resistance to unfamiliar individuals or cultural differences, often leading to prejudice (Jönson, 2007, p. 80).	Used as a justification for initial skepticism and rejection of minority care workers.
Social Construction of Race	The idea that racial and ethnic categories are shaped by social and cultural perceptions rather than biological differences (Berger & Luckmann, 1966).	Care recipients’ negative perceptions of minority workers are influenced by societal narratives about race and immigration.
Customer-Service Model	A perspective in which care recipients are treated as consumers who have the right to choose services (Jönson, 2007, p. 88).	Used by some managers to justify complying with racist preferences by equating care to a commercial service.
Techniques of Neutralization	Strategies used to justify or excuse morally questionable actions, such as denying responsibility or minimizing harm (Sykes & Matza, 1957).	Care providers justify replacing minority workers by framing it as a practical necessity rather than discrimination.
Power Relations in Care Work	The dynamic between caregivers and care recipients, shaped by race, gender, and social status (Szebehely, 1995).	While care workers typically hold authority, racialized power structures reverse this dynamic, making minority workers more vulnerable to discrimination.
Elderly Vulnerability vs. Caregiver Protection	The ethical dilemma of balancing elderly recipients’ emotional well-being with the rights of care workers (Jönson, 2007, p. 91).	Care providers hesitate to challenge racist behavior to avoid distressing elderly individuals, often at the cost of minority staff.
Institutional Anti-Racism vs. Everyday Practices	The gap between official anti-racist policies and real-world workplace decisions (Jönson, 2007, p. 92).	While institutions uphold anti-racist policies, pragmatic decisions often reinforce racial bias in practice.
Workplace Discrimination	Unequal treatment of employees based on ethnicity, race, or religion, often embedded in organizational culture (Jönson, 2007, p. 95).	Care workers of foreign origin experience frequent resistance, microaggressions, and exclusion.
Moral Balancing in Policy Implementation	The need to balance competing moral and ethical concerns in workplace policies (Jönson, 2007, p. 94).	Calls for localized policies that balance pragmatism, fairness, and anti-discrimination laws in elder care.

Contribution of “Is It Racism?” by Håkan Jönson to Literary Theory/Theories

1. Postcolonial Theory

Explores racialized power structures in caregiving, where ethnic minority workers are subjected to discrimination despite their vital role (Jönson, 2007, p. 80).
Links resistance to historical colonial narratives, where non-European individuals are framed as “the other” (Jönson, 2007, p. 83).
Examines how language barriers serve as a disguised form of racial exclusion, reflecting colonial legacies of linguistic hierarchy (Jönson, 2007, p. 86).

2. Critical Race Theory (CRT)

Highlights systemic racism in Swedish elder care, showing how policies and institutional practices reinforce discrimination (Jönson, 2007, p. 92).
Demonstrates “colorblind racism”—where care providers avoid addressing racism directly by reframing it as practical concerns (Jönson, 2007, p. 89).
Challenges “white normativity”, as elder care is structured around the expectations of white Swedish care recipients (Jönson, 2007, p. 90).

3. Structuralism and the Social Construction of Race

Applies Berger and Luckmann’s (1966) concept of the social construction of reality, arguing that race is socially constructed through discourse and everyday interactions (Jönson, 2007, p. 84).
Shows how racist attitudes toward care workers are culturally produced rather than biologically determined (Jönson, 2007, p. 85).
Demonstrates how “fear of the unknown” operates as a socially learned response rather than an innate reaction (Jönson, 2007, p. 80).

4. Discourse Analysis (Foucaultian Theory)

Investigates how racism is rationalized through institutional discourse, enabling care providers to comply with racist preferences while maintaining an anti-racist stance (Jönson, 2007, p. 90).
Examines how managerial language (“customer service model”) legitimizes discrimination by reframing racism as a service preference (Jönson, 2007, p. 88).
Connects elderly care policies to broader national discourses on multiculturalism and migration in Sweden (Jönson, 2007, p. 94).

5. Feminist Theory and Intersectionality

Highlights gendered and racialized labor divisions, showing how immigrant women are disproportionately placed in caregiving roles (Jönson, 2007, p. 81).
Analyzes the intersection of race, gender, and labor precarity, as minority care workers face both racial and gender-based discrimination (Jönson, 2007, p. 85).
Demonstrates how power dynamics in caregiving are shaped by both ethnicity and social status, reinforcing double marginalization of minority women in elder care (Jönson, 2007, p. 91).

6. Reader-Response Theory

Discusses the role of perception and interpretation in shaping racist attitudes among elderly care recipients (Jönson, 2007, p. 86).
Suggests that resistance toward minority care workers is influenced by personal experiences, social conditioning, and media representation (Jönson, 2007, p. 87).
Illustrates how care recipients “read” racialized bodies and respond to them based on pre-existing biases rather than actual interactions (Jönson, 2007, p. 88).

7. Ideology and Hegemony (Gramscian Theory)

Examines how hegemonic ideologies shape both individual and institutional responses to racism in elder care (Jönson, 2007, p. 90).
Shows how care providers are complicit in maintaining racial hierarchy by prioritizing the preferences of Swedish care recipients over the rights of minority workers (Jönson, 2007, p. 91).
Discusses how pragmatic approaches to racism are shaped by dominant ideologies that normalize workplace discrimination (Jönson, 2007, p. 92).

8. Human Rights and Ethics in Literary Theory

Addresses conflicts between human rights frameworks and real-world caregiving ethics (Jönson, 2007, p. 93).
Questions whether elderly individuals should be granted the “right” to refuse minority caregivers, even when such refusals are rooted in racism (Jönson, 2007, p. 94).
Advocates for policy solutions that balance anti-racism with ethical caregiving, ensuring both caregivers and recipients are treated fairly (Jönson, 2007, p. 96).

Examples of Critiques Through “Is It Racism?” by Håkan Jönson

Literary Work	Themes in the Work	Critique Through Jönson’s Framework
Joseph Conrad – Heart of Darkness	– Colonialism and racial hierarchy – “Othering” of non-Europeans – White European superiority complex	– Jönson’s study critiques how colonial narratives continue to influence racial perceptions, particularly in elder care, where minority care workers are viewed as the “other” (Jönson, 2007, p. 80). – Similar to Heart of Darkness, Swedish elder care reproduces racialized power structures, where non-Swedish workers are treated as outsiders (Jönson, 2007, p. 83). – Language barriers in Jönson’s study parallel Conrad’s depictions of “unintelligible natives,” reinforcing how communication differences become a pretext for exclusion (Jönson, 2007, p. 86).
Toni Morrison – Beloved	– Legacy of slavery and racial trauma – Dehumanization of Black bodies – Psychological impact of racism	– Jönson’s findings align with Morrison’s exploration of racial trauma, showing how care workers of foreign origin internalize racist abuse as part of their job (Jönson, 2007, p. 85). – In Beloved, characters struggle against systemic racism, much like minority care workers in Sweden who face discrimination but lack institutional support (Jönson, 2007, p. 92). – The pathologizing approach in Jönson’s study (“It’s just dementia, not racism”) mirrors the rationalizations of white violence in Beloved, where oppressors excuse or justify their actions through social norms (Jönson, 2007, p. 89).
Jean Rhys – Wide Sargasso Sea	– Postcolonial displacement – Racial and cultural marginalization – Identity crisis of Creole characters	– The resistance toward ethnic minority care workers in Jönson’s study mirrors the alienation of Antoinette (Bertha) in Wide Sargasso Sea, where she is “too white for the Caribbean, too foreign for England” (Jönson, 2007, p. 81). – Fear of the unknown (Jönson, 2007, p. 80) plays a key role in both texts—elderly Swedes reject minority caregivers just as Rochester rejects Antoinette based on racial and cultural stereotypes. – The discourse of “civilized” vs. “uncivilized” in Rhys’s novel parallels Jönson’s critique of Sweden’s care system, where minority workers must “prove” their competence to skeptical Swedish recipients (Jönson, 2007, p. 88).
Ralph Ellison – Invisible Man	– Racial invisibility and identity – Power structures and systemic oppression – Survival under racism	– Like Ellison’s narrator, ethnic minority care workers in Sweden become “invisible”—their presence is tolerated but not fully accepted (Jönson, 2007, p. 83). – The customer-service model in Jönson’s study (“the patient gets to choose”) reflects how racialized workers are dehumanized and reduced to economic functions (Jönson, 2007, p. 88). – Both Invisible Man and Jönson’s study highlight how institutions adopt a rhetoric of anti-racism while maintaining discriminatory practices (Jönson, 2007, p. 92).

Criticism Against “Is It Racism?” by Håkan Jönson

1. Limited Scope and Sample Size

The study relies on a small sample size of 12 representatives and 3 ethnic minority care workers, making it difficult to generalize the findings (Jönson, 2007, p. 82).
The research focuses on a single Swedish municipality, which may not represent broader trends in Sweden or other multicultural societies.
A larger, more diverse sample could provide deeper insights into racism in elder care across different regions and care institutions.

2. Overemphasis on Pragmatism and Pathologization

The study argues that care providers frame racism as “fear of the unknown” or dementia, rather than actively confronting it (Jönson, 2007, p. 89).
Critics may argue that this framing oversimplifies the complexity of prejudice among elderly care recipients.
By emphasizing pathologization, the study risks excusing racist behavior instead of advocating for stronger institutional interventions.

3. Lack of Direct Ethnographic Engagement with Care Recipients

The study primarily relies on interviews with care providers and minority staff, rather than directly interviewing elderly care recipients about their perceptions.
Without firsthand accounts from care recipients, the study risks misinterpreting their motives, potentially exaggerating or downplaying the role of racism.
Ethnographic fieldwork or observational research could provide a more nuanced understanding of recipient-caregiver interactions.

4. Insufficient Policy Recommendations

While Jönson highlights the gap between anti-racist policies and real-world practices, his recommendations remain vague (Jönson, 2007, p. 92).
The study does not offer concrete solutions for care institutions, such as training programs, institutional reforms, or legal enforcement strategies.
A stronger policy-driven conclusion could have enhanced the study’s impact on workplace reforms.

5. Failure to Address the Role of Care Workers’ Agency

The study focuses on care workers as victims of racism, but does not deeply explore how they resist, navigate, or reshape power dynamics in care institutions.
Some scholars argue that migrant care workers develop coping strategies, solidarity networks, and active resistance, which Jönson does not fully examine.
Including examples of agency among minority care workers could have provided a more balanced portrayal of power relations in elder care.

6. Potential Bias in Framing Institutional Racism

The study presents elder care institutions as largely complicit in maintaining racial discrimination (Jönson, 2007, p. 90).
However, it does not explore cases where institutions have successfully challenged racism or where care recipients have changed their attitudes over time.
A more balanced discussion of institutional responses—both failures and successes—could have strengthened the study’s credibility.

7. Oversimplification of Cultural Conflicts

The study frames resistance to minority care workers as largely a racial issue, but does not sufficiently consider cultural misunderstandings or generational differences in social norms.
Some care recipients may struggle with linguistic differences, unfamiliar caregiving styles, or religious customs, which the study overlooks as non-racialized concerns (Jönson, 2007, p. 86).
Addressing how cultural adjustment plays a role in care work would have made the analysis more nuanced.

Representative Quotations from “Is It Racism?” by Håkan Jönson with Explanation

Quotation	Explanation & Context	Theoretical Perspective
“Fear of the unknown among older people who had previously met few people of foreign origin.” (Jönson, 2007, p. 80)	Jönson explains how elderly care recipients often react with skepticism toward ethnic minority caregivers due to limited exposure to multicultural environments. Care providers justify this reaction as a natural response rather than active racism.	Social Construction of Race & Othering – Aligns with postcolonial theory and structuralism, where race and difference are socially constructed rather than inherent.
“We are trained to provide service and the customer pays for that service… It is a form of service and then we’ll have to ignore that other issue [playing along with racism].” (Jönson, 2007, p. 86)	This statement reflects a pragmatic approach used by care providers to justify compliance with discriminatory requests from care recipients. It highlights market-based reasoning in elder care.	Neoliberalism & Market Logic in Social Work – Demonstrates how commodification of care shifts ethical decisions into consumer-driven services.
“No, I haven’t really reflected on this and sometimes I wonder if it is not really the regular Swedish staff who make up this problem.” (Jönson, 2007, p. 87)	A care provider shifts the focus from care recipients’ racism to potential bias within staff interactions. This deflects accountability from institutions and elder care policies.	Structural Racism & Institutional Bias – Shows how racism is often downplayed or redirected within bureaucratic settings.
“It’s her home, and she has the right to decide who to let in.” (Jönson, 2007, p. 88)	This justification prioritizes the autonomy of care recipients over ethical concerns about racial discrimination. It frames private homes as exempt from anti-discrimination policies.	Liberal Individualism vs. Anti-Discrimination – Highlights tension between personal choice and societal responsibility in multicultural care settings.
“Some do know and think that these are not people who… I mean these are sick people, old people, helpless people—and they [staff] are pretty able to see the circumstances.” (Jönson, 2007, p. 90)	This statement pathologizes racism among elderly care recipients, dismissing it as a symptom of aging rather than a social issue. It reflects the normalization of elder racism in caregiving.	Medicalization of Prejudice – Frames racist attitudes as a side effect of illness rather than an ethical problem requiring intervention.
“We are not here to educate the pensioners.” (Jönson, 2007, p. 89)	This statement highlights a pragmatic refusal to challenge racist attitudes among older people. Care providers prioritize avoiding conflict over promoting social change.	Political Correctness vs. Moral Responsibility – Engages with debates on whether social workers should challenge discrimination or accommodate it.
“Adding to this, populist claims makers with nationalist/racist agendas have referred to the growing interest in the special needs of elderly immigrants when arguing for similar needs among ethnic Swedes.” (Jönson, 2007, p. 83)	Right-wing groups use discourses of cultural needs to justify exclusionary policies that prioritize ethnic Swedes over minority groups in elder care.	Cultural Nationalism & Identity Politics – Shows how care policies can be co-opted by xenophobic narratives.
“Organizations perceived to comply with racism will be subject to public criticism.” (Jönson, 2007, p. 91)	Institutions must balance public accountability and practical caregiving decisions, leading to compromised anti-racism policies.	Corporate Image & Ethical Responsibility – Examines how social institutions navigate public perception in ethical dilemmas.
“There is a need to develop research and policy perspectives that take the complexity of care work into account and acknowledge the occurrence of mixed and shifting power relations.” (Jönson, 2007, p. 94)	Jönson argues that power dynamics in elder care are fluid, involving both vulnerable caregivers and care recipients.	Intersectionality & Power Relations – Demonstrates how racism interacts with aging, labor conditions, and social vulnerabilities.
“A strong anti-racist policy may result in oppression of care recipients, who fear labeling and sanctions.” (Jönson, 2007, p. 93)	Jönson warns that overly rigid anti-racism policies might discourage elderly people from voicing valid concerns about care quality.	Critical Race Theory & Free Speech Debate – Explores the tension between anti-racism enforcement and individual expression.

“Lacan and Race” by Azeen Khan: Summary and Critique

“Lacan and Race” by Azeen Khan first appeared in the 2018 collection Lacan and Race, published by Cambridge University Press.

Introduction: “Lacan and Race” by Azeen Khan

“Lacan and Race” by Azeen Khan first appeared in the 2018 collection Lacan and Race, published by Cambridge University Press. This chapter critically engages with Lacanian psychoanalysis to explore the relationship between race and segregation, arguing that racism should be understood within the broader context of social formations dictated by the master’s discourse. A central claim is that race, rather than being a purely biological or visual marker, is structured through discourse, which organizes social bonds and segregative mechanisms. Khan builds on Jacques-Alain Miller’s concept of extimacy—the idea that what is most intimate to a subject is also radically foreign—to explain how racism functions through the rejection of the jouissance of the Other. The essay also situates Lacan’s comments on colonialism, capitalism, and the decline of the Name-of-the-Father within the historical processes of segregation and racial differentiation. By engaging with Freud, Lacan, and contemporary scholars like Eric Laurent and Kalpana Sheshadri-Crooks, Khan’s work underscores the necessity of psychoanalytic inquiry in critical race studies. This perspective challenges universalist humanist discourses that seek to erase difference while simultaneously exacerbating racial exclusion. In literary and theoretical discourse, Lacan and Race contributes to the ongoing critique of the ways in which power, knowledge, and subjectivity are interwoven with racialized structures, offering an alternative framework for understanding race beyond biological essentialism.

Summary of “Lacan and Race” by Azeen Khan

Race as a Construct of Discourse
- Race is not an inherent biological or physical reality but is structured through discourse.
- Lacan states that “[a race] is constituted according to the mode in which symbolic places are transmitted by the order of a discourse” (Khan, 148).
- Racial identities are shaped by language and ideology rather than natural differences.
The Master’s Discourse and Colonialism
- The master’s discourse, particularly in its colonial form, imposes a Eurocentric framework upon colonized subjects.
- Lacan observed that “the unconscious that had been sold to them along with the laws of colonization” (Khan, 149) demonstrates how colonial rule reshapes subjectivity.
- Colonialism replaces indigenous knowledge with Western concepts, influencing the unconscious itself.
Science, Capitalism, and Segregation
- The modern discourses of science and capitalism have fractured the symbolic order, intensifying segregation rather than promoting universalization.
- Jacques-Alain Miller asserts, “Our future as common markets will be balanced by an increasingly hard-line extension of the process of segregation” (Khan, 150).
- Globalization claims to unite, but instead reinforces racial and social barriers.
The Role of Jouissance in Racism
- Racism is not just about visible differences but about resentment toward the jouissance (excessive enjoyment) of the Other.
- Miller explains that racism “aims at the real in the Other” and involves “the hatred of the jouissance of the Other” (Khan, 157).
- This concept highlights how racial hatred is driven by the belief that the Other enjoys in an unacceptable or excessive way.
Freud and the Psychology of Racial Group Formation
- Freud’s Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego (1921) suggests that social cohesion relies on shared exclusion of a particular group.
- “Closely related races keep one another at arm’s length” (Khan, 152), illustrating how identification and exclusion reinforce racial antagonism.
- Freud’s idea of the “narcissism of minor differences” explains how even minor distinctions can lead to intense hostility.
The Universalizing Drive of Science and Capitalism
- Science and capitalism attempt to create a universal human subject, yet they intensify segregation rather than dissolve it.
- Lacan states, “The factor at stake here is the most burning issue of our times…segregation” (Khan, 155).
- Scientific discourse aims at universality but inadvertently deepens racial divides.
The “Melting Pot” and the Persistence of Racism
- The “melting pot” ideology assumes that cultural and racial differences can be seamlessly integrated, but Lacan challenges this assumption.
- He argues that true coexistence requires “not imposing our own [jouissance] on him” (Khan, 156).
- Attempts to force assimilation often result in further alienation and rejection.
Extimacy and the Internalized Other
- Racism is rooted in a deeper struggle with one’s own jouissance, leading to the rejection of the Other.
- Miller states, “The root of racism is the hatred of one’s own jouissance… it is also hatred of myself” (Khan, 159).
- This suggests that racial hatred is not purely external but also reflects an internal conflict within the subject.
The Psychoanalytic Response to Racism
- Psychoanalysis provides a unique approach to racism by examining its unconscious mechanisms.
- Miller observes, “The universal mode—which is the mode under which science elaborates the real—seems to have no limit, when in fact it does” (Khan, 160).
- Unlike universalist approaches, psychoanalysis acknowledges the singularity of each subject’s jouissance.
Anti-Racism as a Perpetual Invention
- Racism evolves with shifting social structures, requiring continuous reinterpretation and resistance.
- Laurent emphasizes, “Antiracism always has to be reinvented in keeping with each new form of the object of racism” (Khan, 161).
- Anti-racism must be a dynamic and historically responsive process rather than a fixed ideological stance.

Theoretical Terms/Concepts in “Lacan and Race” by Azeen Khan

Theoretical Term/Concept	Definition	Explanation from Lacan and Race
Master’s Discourse	A dominant discourse that structures social and ideological relations.	The colonial discourse functions as a master’s discourse, shaping the unconscious of colonized subjects by imposing Eurocentric ideals (Khan, 149).
Symbolic Order	The system of language and laws that structures human subjectivity.	The decline of the Name-of-the-Father in modernity has fractured the symbolic order, intensifying racial segregation (Khan, 150).
Segregation	The social process of separation based on constructed differences.	Lacan argues that modern civilization, despite its claim to universalism, enforces “a complex, reinforced and constantly overlapping form of segregation” (Khan, 148).
Jouissance	A form of excessive enjoyment that resists full integration into the symbolic order.	Racism is fueled by resentment toward the jouissance of the Other, which is perceived as excessive or unassimilable (Khan, 157).
Extimacy	The paradox of something being both external and intimate to the subject.	Racism is based on “the hatred of the jouissance of the Other,” which is actually a rejection of one’s own internalized Other (Khan, 159).
Narcissism of Minor Differences	Freud’s concept that small perceived differences between groups lead to hostility.	“Closely related races keep one another at arm’s length,” demonstrating how minor distinctions become sources of conflict (Khan, 152).
Universalization	The attempt to create an all-encompassing framework that applies to all subjects.	Science and capitalism promote universality, but this paradoxically intensifies racial divisions (Khan, 155).
The Melting Pot	The idea that different cultures can be assimilated into a homogeneous society.	Lacan critiques this as a false ideal, stating that the jouissance of the Other cannot simply be erased or integrated (Khan, 156).
The Real	A dimension of experience beyond symbolic representation, often linked to trauma or excess.	Miller suggests that modernity has led to “the real without law,” severing the connection between nature and social reality (Khan, 150).
The Name-of-the-Father	The function that structures the symbolic order and subjectivity.	The decline of this function in modernity contributes to racial segregation and disorder (Khan, 155).
Primitive Accumulation	The process of wealth extraction that underpins capitalism.	The history of capitalism cannot be understood without considering its racialized foundations in “primitive accumulation” (Khan, 149).
Scientific Racism	The use of science to justify racial hierarchies.	The human sciences have historically framed racialized bodies as objects of “segregative reason” (Khan, 149).
Psychoanalytic Anti-Racism	A response to racism that examines its unconscious mechanisms rather than just social structures.	Miller states that “anti-racism always has to be reinvented in keeping with each new form of the object of racism” (Khan, 161).

Contribution of “Lacan and Race” by Azeen Khan to Literary Theory/Theories

1. Contribution to Psychoanalytic Literary Theory

Examines race through the lens of Lacanian psychoanalysis
- Khan explores how race is a discursive construct shaped by the unconscious rather than a biological reality.
- Race is an effect of discourse, as Lacan states, “[a race] is constituted according to the mode in which symbolic places are transmitted by the order of a discourse” (Khan, 148).
- This insight expands psychoanalytic readings of racial identity beyond traditional Freudian notions of repression.
Connects the concept of jouissance to racial hatred
- Khan builds on Miller’s idea that racism is driven by an intolerance of the Other’s jouissance rather than mere visual difference.
- “Racism calls into play a hatred which goes precisely toward what grounds the Other’s alterity, in other words its jouissance” (Khan, 157).
- This provides a psychoanalytic explanation for racialized violence and exclusion in literature.
Applies the concept of extimacy to racial identity
- Extimacy (external intimacy) explains how racism reflects an internal rejection of aspects of the self projected onto the Other.
- “The root of racism is the hatred of one’s own jouissance… it is also hatred of myself” (Khan, 159).
- This contributes to psychoanalytic readings of literature by showing how race functions as a psychological structure in narratives.

2. Contribution to Postcolonial Literary Theory

Analyzes how colonial discourse shapes subjectivity
- Khan highlights how the master’s discourse, particularly in colonialism, alters the unconscious of colonized subjects.
- “The unconscious that had been sold to them along with the laws of colonization” (Khan, 149).
- This supports postcolonial critiques of Western literary canons and their racialized structures of power.
Critiques the “melting pot” as a colonial fantasy
- Lacan’s critique of assimilationist ideologies aligns with postcolonial theorists like Homi Bhabha’s concept of hybridity.
- “Leaving this Other to his own mode of jouissance, that would only be possible by not imposing our own on him” (Khan, 156).
- This challenges narratives of integration in colonial and diasporic literature.
Interrogates the colonial legacy of scientific racism in literature
- The text examines how scientific discourse historically justified racial hierarchies, shaping literary representation.
- “The human sciences take both madmen and racialized bodies as an object of segregative reason” (Khan, 149).
- This contributes to postcolonial critiques of literary representations of race in Western texts.

3. Contribution to Critical Race Theory in Literary Studies

Frames racism as a structural and unconscious phenomenon
- Critical Race Theory (CRT) argues that racism is embedded in systems rather than individual prejudice.
- Khan extends this by showing that racism is structured through the master’s discourse and the symbolic order (Khan, 150).
- This helps deconstruct racial ideologies in literature by focusing on underlying linguistic and psychoanalytic structures.
Challenges humanist universalism in literary representation
- Khan critiques the universalizing claims of science and capitalism, which reinforce segregation rather than eliminating it.
- “The universal mode—which is the mode under which science elaborates the real—seems to have no limit, when in fact it does” (Khan, 160).
- This insight contributes to CRT’s critique of universalism in literary theory, showing how “colorblind” narratives still reinforce racial divisions.
Expands CRT’s understanding of racial subjectivity through Lacanian theory
- CRT often focuses on material and legal structures; Khan adds a psychoanalytic dimension, showing how racial difference is internalized at the unconscious level.
- “The hatred of the jouissance of the Other is the structuring logic of racism” (Khan, 157).
- This enriches literary analyses of racial identity and trauma.

4. Contribution to Structuralism and Poststructuralism in Literary Theory

Race as a signifier within the symbolic order
- Khan applies Lacan’s structuralist approach by arguing that race is a signifier produced within discourse, not a biological reality.
- “Race is constituted according to the mode in which symbolic places are transmitted by the order of a discourse” (Khan, 148).
- This aligns with poststructuralist critiques of essentialism in literary theory.
Challenges essentialist representations of race in literature
- By framing race as a discursive effect, Khan supports Derrida’s deconstruction of racial binaries.
- This undermines fixed racial categories in literary analysis, promoting an understanding of identity as fluid and constructed.
Questions the stability of racial identity in literary texts
- Khan’s discussion of jouissance and extimacy suggests that racial identity is inherently unstable.
- This aligns with poststructuralist readings of identity as fractured and shifting.

Examples of Critiques Through “Lacan and Race” by Azeen Khan

Literary Work	Lacanian Concept from Lacan and Race	Critique Through Azeen Khan’s Analysis
*Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness* (1899)**	Master’s Discourse & Colonial Unconscious	– The novel exemplifies how colonial discourse imposes a master’s ideology that shapes the unconscious of both colonizer and colonized. – Kurtz’s descent into madness reflects the destabilization of the symbolic order, as he moves beyond European rationality into the “primitive” (Khan, 149). – The racialized portrayal of Africans as “savage” aligns with scientific racism in literature, reinforcing colonial power structures (Khan, 149).
*Toni Morrison’s Beloved* (1987)**	Jouissance & Extimacy	– The novel illustrates how Black trauma and historical violence are linked to the unassimilable jouissance of the racialized Other. – Sethe’s actions (killing her child) demonstrate how slavery produces a fractured subjectivity, tied to the rejection of her own jouissance (Khan, 159). – The ghost of Beloved embodies the return of the repressed, mirroring how the historical unconscious continues to shape Black identity in America.
*Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart* (1958)**	Segregation & The Decline of the Name-of-the-Father	– The novel critiques colonial disruption of Igbo society, where traditional authority (symbolized by Okonkwo and the elders) collapses under Western rule. – The colonial master’s discourse erases indigenous structures, replacing them with a European symbolic order (Khan, 148). – Okonkwo’s downfall can be read as the collapse of the Name-of-the-Father, leading to segregation within his own people as they become divided by colonial influence (Khan, 155).
*Franz Kafka’s The Metamorphosis* (1915)**	The Racialized Subject & The Real	– Gregor Samsa’s transformation into an insect reflects the dehumanization of the Other, akin to racialized bodies being marked as “vermin” or subhuman (Khan, 157). – His family’s rejection of him mirrors society’s segregation of the racialized subject, as the master’s discourse determines social worth. – Gregor’s existence outside human recognition echoes the Real without Law, where his jouissance is seen as excessive and intolerable (Khan, 150).

Criticism Against “Lacan and Race” by Azeen Khan

1. Overemphasis on Psychoanalysis Over Material Conditions

The book primarily analyzes race through Lacanian psychoanalysis, but critics argue that this overlooks material and socio-political factors in racial oppression.
Critique: Race and racism are deeply tied to economic, legal, and historical structures (e.g., capitalism, colonialism, systemic racism), yet Lacan and Race focuses more on unconscious structures.
Example: Critics from Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Marxist literary studies argue that psychoanalysis alone cannot explain racialized economic exploitation.

2. The Abstract Nature of Lacanian Concepts

Lacanian psychoanalysis is highly abstract, making it difficult to apply to concrete racial realities.
Critique: Terms like jouissance, extimacy, and the Real may provide insight into the unconscious dynamics of race, but they lack tangible explanatory power for real-world racial struggles.
Example: Some scholars argue that postcolonial theorists like Fanon and Said offer clearer frameworks for analyzing race and power compared to Lacan’s dense theoretical language.

3. Limited Engagement with Postcolonial and Intersectional Theories

The book engages Lacan, Freud, and Miller, but less so with postcolonial theorists like Fanon, Spivak, or Bhabha.
Critique: While Khan examines race through the unconscious and discourse, she does not fully integrate intersectionality, feminist critiques, or decolonial perspectives.
Example: Hortense Spillers and Saidiya Hartman’s work on Black identity and racial trauma could have expanded the discussion beyond Lacanian categories.

4. Neglect of Non-Western Psychoanalytic Traditions

Critique: The book focuses on European psychoanalysis (Lacan, Freud, Miller) without acknowledging how psychoanalytic ideas have been adapted in non-Western contexts.
Example: Scholars of African, Asian, and Indigenous psychology might challenge whether Lacanian theory is the best tool for understanding racial subjectivity outside Europe.

5. Questionable Applicability to Literary Analysis

Critique: Some scholars argue that literary analysis based on Lacan is often forced, as it may impose psychoanalytic structures onto texts that do not explicitly engage with psychoanalysis.
Example: Applying Lacan and Race to texts like Achebe’s Things Fall Apart or Morrison’s Beloved may ignore these novels’ cultural, historical, and political specificities in favor of a purely theoretical framework.

6. The Risk of Universalizing Racial Experience

Critique: The book’s focus on psychoanalysis and discourse risks universalizing the experience of race, treating racial identity as a structural effect rather than a lived reality.
Example: By framing race as an effect of the master’s discourse, it may downplay how race is experienced differently across history, geography, and social context.

Representative Quotations from “Lacan and Race” by Azeen Khan with Explanation

Quotation	Explanation
“I believe that in our day and age, we could classify the mark, the scar, left by the father’s disappearance under the heading and general notion of segregation.”	Lacan suggests that the decline of paternal authority (Name-of-the-Father) has led to a more fragmented society, where segregation becomes a primary organizing force rather than universalism.
“Capitalism and science have combined to make nature disappear. And what is left by the vanishing of nature is what we call the real, that is, a remainder, by structure, disordered.”	Jacques-Alain Miller argues that modernity has fractured the symbolic order, causing a disordered “Real” where nature is no longer an organizing principle, leaving humans in an unstructured, chaotic state.
“The unconscious that had been sold to them along with the laws of colonization, this exotic regressive form of the master’s discourse, in the face of the capitalism called imperialism.”	Lacan critiques how colonialism imposed a European unconscious on colonized subjects, erasing their indigenous psychological structures and replacing them with the dominant master’s discourse.
“A race is constituted according to the mode in which symbolic places are transmitted by the order of a discourse.”	This suggests that race is not merely biological but constructed through discourse, meaning racism is tied to how societies symbolically organize differences rather than inherent traits.
“On the one hand, there is the universalizing orientation of science (for all); on the other, the accentuation of segregation (not for all).”	Lacan highlights the paradox of modernity: science and capitalism claim to be universal but simultaneously create new forms of exclusion and segregation.
“Racism effectively switches its objects as the social forms undergo modification. From Lacan’s perspective, however, there is always, in any human community, a rejection of an unassimilable jouissance.”	Racism is not static but adapts to shifting social conditions. Lacan argues that at its core, racism is about rejecting the “jouissance” (excess pleasure) of the Other, which cannot be assimilated into dominant society.
“Without our jouissance going off the track, only the Other is able to mark its position, but only insofar as we are separated from this Other.”	Lacan explains that identity is formed through separation—the Other is only recognizable when set apart from the dominant subject. This reinforces segregation and racial divisions.
“Racism is founded on what one imagines about the Other’s jouissance; it is hatred of the particular way, of the Other’s own way of experiencing jouissance.”	Racism is not just about physical differences but about perceived differences in pleasure and behavior—it is the fear that the Other enjoys differently or excessively.
“The Other is unfairly subtracting from you a part of your jouissance. That is the constant. The root of racism is the hatred of one’s own jouissance.”	Lacan suggests that racism is rooted in a projection—people externalize their own anxieties and frustrations onto racial Others, blaming them for their own lost pleasure.
“The universal of the ‘for all’ generates the segregations it pretends to destroy.”	The attempt to universalize identity and culture paradoxically creates more exclusion, as universalism erases particularities, leading to resistance and new forms of division.

“Implicit Racism” by Sara Ann Ketchum And Christine Pierce: Summary and Critique

“Implicit Racism” by Sara Ann Ketchum and Christine Pierce, first appeared in Analysis in 1976, examines how defenses of sexist practices in contemporary philosophy often rely on principles that are implicitly racist.

Introduction: “Implicit Racism” by Sara Ann Ketchum And Christine Pierce

“Implicit Racism” by Sara Ann Ketchum and Christine Pierce, first appeared in Analysis in 1976, examines how defenses of sexist practices in contemporary philosophy often rely on principles that are implicitly racist. The authors argue that justifications for institutionalized sexism—such as those based on tradition (the conservative defense), statistical differences (the pseudo-liberal defense), and individual choice (the libertarian defense)—can also be applied to uphold racial discrimination. They demonstrate how philosophers like J.R. Lucas, W.T. Blackstone, and W.E. Cooper use arguments that, if taken to their logical conclusion, could justify racial prejudice in hiring, institutional policies, and social roles. By drawing parallels between sexism and racism, the article exposes the flawed logic in these philosophical positions and challenges the notion that sexist discrimination can be justified while racial discrimination cannot. This work is significant in literary theory and feminist philosophy as it critiques the intersection of gender, race, and institutional bias, highlighting how implicit biases operate under seemingly neutral principles. It contributes to critical race theory and feminist critique by demonstrating how oppression is often justified through appeals to cultural norms and pseudo-scientific reasoning.

Summary of “Implicit Racism” by Sara Ann Ketchum And Christine Pierce

1. Implicit Racism in Defenses of Sexism

The article argues that many justifications for sexism are implicitly racist because they rely on principles that could also be used to justify racial discrimination (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 91).
The authors examine three common defenses of sexist practices:
- The Conservative Defense
- The Pseudo-Liberal Defense
- The Libertarian Defense

2. The Conservative Defense: Tradition as Justification for Discrimination

This argument claims that established prejudices should be preserved in law and policy.
J.R. Lucas argues that sexist employment policies are justified because people “recognise that a person’s sex can reasonably be regarded as relevant to his or her suitability for particular posts” (Lucas, 1973, pp. 166-168, cited in Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 92).
The authors point out that this reasoning could also justify racial discrimination, as some people historically saw “boss-servant roles in racial terms” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93).

3. The Pseudo-Liberal Defense: Using Statistical Differences to Justify Discrimination

Some philosophers argue that equal opportunity should depend on further investigation into gender differences.
W.T. Blackstone suggests that gender equality “would be correct only if all relevant facts, characteristics, or circumstances… were independent of gender” (Blackstone, 1975, p. 247, cited in Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93).
J.R. Lucas extends this reasoning by saying that “the more integrally and the more invariably a difference is connected with a person’s sex, the more we are entitled to insist that the mere fact of being male or female can constitute a conclusive reason against being allowed to do something” (Lucas, 1973, p. 167, cited in Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93).
Ketchum and Pierce argue that this logic can be applied to race, justifying discriminatory hiring practices if statistical differences exist between racial groups, leading to racial bias in employment (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 94).

4. The Libertarian Defense: Defending Discrimination as a Matter of Choice

W.E. Cooper defends sexist institutions by appealing to individual freedom, arguing that people should be free to choose traditional gender roles (Cooper, 1975, p. 256, cited in Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 94).
The authors criticize this argument by showing that the same logic could be used to justify racial oppression, arguing that if Black individuals “choose” lower-status positions, this could be seen as legitimizing racial discrimination (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 95).
They note that no one argues for the right of Black people to be treated as slaves, yet Cooper uses similar reasoning to defend sexism (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 95).

5. Critique of These Defenses

The authors argue that these defenses of sexism fail to recognize how discrimination is institutional and systemic, rather than a matter of personal choice.
They point out that all three defenses imply that societal change should only happen if sexist or racist attitudes disappear naturally, rather than being challenged through policy and law (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 96).

6. Conclusion: Challenging Implicit Bias in Justifications of Inequality

The authors conclude that justifications for sexism often rely on principles that could be applied to racism, exposing the hidden racial biases in these philosophical defenses (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 96).
They argue for a more critical approach to discrimination, one that does not rely on cultural traditions, statistical differences, or individual choices as justifications for inequality (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 97).

Key Takeaways

Sexist defenses often rest on arguments that could justify racial discrimination.
Conservative, pseudo-liberal, and libertarian defenses of sexism reinforce implicit racism.
Discrimination should be challenged systematically, not passively accepted as tradition or personal preference.

Theoretical Terms/Concepts in “Implicit Racism” by Sara Ann Ketchum And Christine Pierce

Theoretical Term/Concept	Definition/Explanation	Reference from the Article
Implicit Racism	The idea that arguments defending sexism often rely on principles that can also be used to justify racial discrimination, even if not explicitly stated.	“Several articles which defend sexist practices are implicitly racist… principles that apply to the areas where sexism and racism are similar” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 91).
The Conservative Defense	A justification for discrimination based on tradition and cultural norms, arguing that established social structures should not be altered.	“If attitudes and habits of discrimination are sufficiently integral to the culture, discriminatory policies and laws are justified” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 92).
The Pseudo-Liberal Defense	A justification that argues equality must wait for further evidence about gender differences, often relying on statistical correlations to justify discrimination.	“The more integrally and the more invariably a difference is connected with a person’s sex, the more we are entitled to insist that the mere fact of being male or female can constitute a conclusive reason against being allowed to do something” (Lucas, 1973, cited in Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93).
The Libertarian Defense	An argument that claims individual freedom justifies sexist practices, suggesting that discrimination is acceptable if it results from free choices.	“The inequalities Jaggar deplores may arise because of the way that free men and women choose to lead their lives” (Cooper, 1975, cited in Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 94).
Institutional Discrimination	The idea that discrimination is not just a matter of individual prejudice but is built into legal, social, and economic structures, reinforcing inequality.	“One person cannot be discriminated against as a woman without there being some practice or policy of discrimination which would affect other women who might not so choose” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 95).
Comparative Oppression	The concept that arguments used to justify one form of oppression (sexism) can also be applied to another (racism), revealing inconsistencies in justifications for discrimination.	“A racist who thinks of servility and deference as essential characteristics of negritude will have as much difficulty taking orders from a Black boss as will a sexist who thinks of a woman boss as inappropriate” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93).
Social Constructivism	The idea that gender and race roles are not biologically determined but are created and reinforced by societal norms and institutions.	“Neither Blackstone nor Lucas explains why he thinks that hiring people on the basis of sex—and, within the favored sex, on qualifications—would be so much easier and more beneficial than hiring on the basis of individual qualifications” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 94).
Moral Relativism in Discrimination	The flawed argument that if a group accepts their own discrimination, then it is morally permissible.	“One could produce a racially just society by convincing Blacks that they are better off as slaves, servants, and manual laborers” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 95).
False Equivalence in Discrimination	The claim that discriminating against an individual based on group statistics is justifiable, comparing it to generalized policies like speed limits.	“Lucas argues for institutionalizing sexist discrimination in such cases on the analogy of the speed limit” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 94).
Systemic Oppression	The recognition that oppression is not just about individual choices but is maintained through social, economic, and legal systems.	“Such institutions regulate and affect people other than those who choose them” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 95).

Contribution of “Implicit Racism” by Sara Ann Ketchum And Christine Pierce to Literary Theory/Theories

1. Critical Race Theory (CRT)

Revealing the Overlap Between Sexism and Racism:
- The article argues that philosophical justifications for sexism often rely on principles that could also justify racism, thus exposing the implicit racism within arguments defending gender inequality.
- “Several articles which defend sexist practices are implicitly racist… principles that apply to the areas where sexism and racism are similar” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 91).
Exposing Institutional Racism Through Gender Analysis:
- The study shows how institutional discrimination is defended using logic that maintains both racial and gender hierarchies.
- “A racist who thinks of servility and deference as essential characteristics of negritude will have as much difficulty taking orders from a Black boss as will a sexist who thinks of a woman boss as inappropriate” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93).

2. Feminist Theory

Intersectionality of Gender and Race:
- The article precedes and informs later feminist theories of intersectionality, showing how sexist oppression often mirrors racial oppression.
- “The conservative argument policies directed against racism or sexism can be justified only if the society is not racist or sexist” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93).
Critique of Gender-Based Essentialism:
- Challenges the pseudo-liberal argument that women’s roles should be determined by biology or statistical differences, a concept later addressed by feminist theorists like Judith Butler.
- “The more integrally and the more invariably a difference is connected with a person’s sex, the more we are entitled to insist that the mere fact of being male or female can constitute a conclusive reason against being allowed to do something” (Lucas, 1973, cited in Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93).

3. Postcolonial Theory

Colonial Logic in Justifications of Oppression:
- The article highlights how the same arguments used to justify sexism were used historically to uphold colonialism and racial hierarchy.
- “If a widespread association between the role of priest or the role of soldier and maleness justifies excluding women from professions related to those roles, similar associations would justify excluding Blacks” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 92).
Cultural Norms as Justifications for Discrimination:
- The conservative defense of discrimination as “tradition” parallels colonial arguments for maintaining racial hierarchies in occupied territories.
- “If attitudes and habits of discrimination are sufficiently integral to the culture, discriminatory policies and laws are justified” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 92).

4. Social Constructivism

Critique of Biological Determinism:
- The authors challenge the idea that social roles are dictated by biological sex or race, instead arguing that they are social constructs reinforced by power structures.
- “Neither Blackstone nor Lucas explains why he thinks that hiring people on the basis of sex—and, within the favored sex, on qualifications—would be so much easier and more beneficial than hiring on the basis of individual qualifications” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 94).
Discrimination as a Socially Maintained System:
- The article supports later social constructivist theories by demonstrating that discrimination persists not due to natural differences but due to constructed social norms.
- “One person cannot be discriminated against as a woman without there being some practice or policy of discrimination which would affect other women who might not so choose” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 95).

5. Legal and Political Philosophy

Critique of Libertarian Defenses of Discrimination:
- The authors challenge libertarian arguments that discrimination should be a matter of free choice, pointing out that discrimination is systemic and affects all individuals within an oppressed group.
- “Such institutions regulate and affect people other than those who choose them” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 95).
Opposing the “Consent” Argument for Inequality:
- They argue that just because individuals “choose” to accept lower status does not mean the discrimination is justifiable—a key critique of laissez-faire approaches to social justice.
- “One could produce a racially just society by convincing Blacks that they are better off as slaves, servants, and manual laborers” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 95).

6. Moral and Ethical Philosophy

Moral Critique of Discrimination Justifications:
- The article challenges the idea that discrimination is morally acceptable if it is statistically or culturally justified.
- “Lucas argues for institutionalizing sexist discrimination in such cases on the analogy of the speed limit” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 94).
Critique of Relativism in Discrimination:
- The authors expose the danger of moral relativism in justifications of racism and sexism, showing how similar reasoning has historically been used to justify slavery and segregation.
- “No articles in the literature champion the rights of Blacks to be treated as inferior (or to be slaves if they want to be) in order to safeguard their freedom, and Cooper offers no reason for granting such rights to sexists while not granting them to racists” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 95).

7. Influence on Intersectionality Studies

Early Formulation of Intersectionality Concepts:
- The article precedes and contributes to Kimberlé Crenshaw’s later work on intersectionality, which examines how multiple forms of discrimination overlap.
- “Policies directed against racism or sexism can be justified only if the society is not racist or sexist” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93).

Conclusion: Broader Impact on Literary and Social Theory

Implicit Racism bridges multiple literary, social, and philosophical disciplines, offering an early critique of implicit bias, intersectionality, and institutional discrimination.
The study challenges sexist and racist justifications by exposing their shared logic, laying groundwork for later scholarship in critical race theory, feminist theory, and postcolonial studies.
It remains an important work in understanding how social injustices are justified through flawed philosophical reasoning, making it a foundational text in intersectional and social justice studies.

Examples of Critiques Through “Implicit Racism” by Sara Ann Ketchum And Christine Pierce

Literary Work & Author	Critique Through “Implicit Racism”
“Oroonoko” (1688) – Aphra Behn	– The novel portrays Oroonoko as noble yet enslaved, reinforcing hierarchical racial structures where exceptionalism is the only path for Black agency. – This aligns with the pseudo-liberal defense, which justifies discrimination by using statistical differences or exceptions rather than individual merit. – “Lucas argues for institutionalizing sexist discrimination in such cases on the analogy of the speed limit” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 94), meaning that if the majority of a group lacks qualifications, discrimination against all members is justified.
“The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn” (1885) – Mark Twain	– The character Jim is depicted as submissive and deferential, reflecting the conservative defense of racial roles that justifies discrimination based on ingrained cultural attitudes. – The novel critiques racism but also reinforces racial paternalism, much like how sexist justifications claim that women benefit from oppression. – “A racist who thinks of servility and deference as essential characteristics of negritude will have as much difficulty taking orders from a Black boss as will a sexist who thinks of a woman boss as inappropriate” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93), meaning that racist logic prevents acceptance of leadership by marginalized groups.
“Heart of Darkness” (1899) – Joseph Conrad	– Conrad’s portrayal of Africa as a place of darkness and primitivism reflects implicit racist logic, assuming that certain races are inherently suited for subjugation. – This aligns with the conservative defense, which maintains that societal prejudices should be upheld because they are deeply embedded in culture. – “If attitudes and habits of discrimination are sufficiently integral to the culture, discriminatory policies and laws are justified” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 92), meaning that systemic racism is legitimized by tradition.
“To Kill a Mockingbird” (1960) – Harper Lee	– Atticus Finch’s moral defense of Tom Robinson represents a pseudo-liberal framework, where a single act of justice is framed as progress, while systemic racism remains unchallenged. – This parallels pseudo-liberal arguments against gender equality, which claim change must be slow and incremental, relying on the goodwill of privileged groups rather than legal or systemic reform. – “The conservative argument policies directed against racism or sexism can be justified only if the society is not racist or sexist” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93), meaning that discrimination is only opposed when it is no longer socially accepted.

Criticism Against “Implicit Racism” by Sara Ann Ketchum And Christine Pierce

1. Overgeneralization of Philosophical Arguments

The article groups different sexist defenses under a broad framework, treating them as if they uniformly support racial discrimination.
Some philosophers might argue that not all justifications for sexism inherently translate to racism, making the comparison too broad and generalized.
“Several articles which defend sexist practices are implicitly racist” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 91). → While this is a valid observation, it does not account for nuanced defenses of sexism that may not rely on racial logic.

2. Lack of Empirical Evidence for Implicit Racism in Sexist Defenses

The article critiques theoretical defenses of sexism without providing historical or empirical evidence of these arguments being used to justify racial discrimination in real-world policies.
“A racist who thinks of servility and deference as essential characteristics of negritude will have as much difficulty taking orders from a Black boss as will a sexist who thinks of a woman boss as inappropriate” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93). → This analogy is strong in theory but lacks direct case studies or real-life examples demonstrating that the same logic has been applied in legal or policy decisions.

3. Limited Engagement with Intersectionality

The article presents sexism and racism as parallel but separate issues, rather than acknowledging how they intersect in the lived experiences of women of color.
While it identifies the connection between racial and gender oppression, it does not fully engage with the complexities of intersectionality, a concept later developed by Kimberlé Crenshaw in Mapping the Margins (1991).
“Policies directed against racism or sexism can be justified only if the society is not racist or sexist” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93). → This critique is valid, but does not explore how Black women or other marginalized groups experience overlapping forms of discrimination.

4. Philosophical vs. Legal Perspectives on Discrimination

The article frames discrimination as a matter of philosophical logic but does not deeply engage with legal and sociopolitical contexts where sexism and racism function differently.
Some sexist policies were legally challenged earlier than racist ones (e.g., women’s suffrage in some Western countries before civil rights for racial minorities). This suggests that philosophical justifications for sexism and racism have historically functioned differently in law and governance.

5. Absence of Counterarguments from Opposing Philosophers

While the article critiques Lucas, Blackstone, and Cooper, it does not engage with responses from other contemporary philosophers who may reject sexist arguments without endorsing racism.
“Neither Blackstone nor Lucas explains why he thinks that hiring people on the basis of sex… would be so much easier and more beneficial than hiring on the basis of individual qualifications” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 94). → The lack of opposing perspectives limits the depth of the debate, making the argument appear one-sided.

6. Potential Misinterpretation of Libertarian Thought

The article critiques libertarian defenses of sexism but may oversimplify their position on individual freedom.
It implies that libertarianism passively allows discrimination, rather than recognizing that libertarians advocate for non-interference by the state, not necessarily endorsing discrimination itself.
“Such institutions regulate and affect people other than those who choose them” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 95). → While valid, this critique does not fully consider libertarian responses that distinguish between personal discrimination and institutionalized oppression.

7. Lack of Cross-Cultural Analysis

The article focuses on Western philosophical debates without considering how sexism and racism are justified differently across cultures.
Non-Western perspectives on discrimination may not align with the conservative, pseudo-liberal, and libertarian defenses described in the paper.

Representative Quotations from “Implicit Racism” by Sara Ann Ketchum And Christine Pierce with Explanation

Quotation	Explanation
“Several articles which defend sexist practices are implicitly racist… principles that apply to the areas where sexism and racism are similar.” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 91)	Establishes the article’s main thesis: that defenses of sexism rely on principles that can also justify racism, revealing hidden biases in philosophical arguments.
“If attitudes and habits of discrimination are sufficiently integral to the culture, discriminatory policies and laws are justified.” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 92)	Critiques the conservative defense of discrimination, which argues that prejudices should be preserved because they are part of tradition. This logic could justify both racial and gender discrimination.
“A racist who thinks of servility and deference as essential characteristics of negritude will have as much difficulty taking orders from a Black boss as will a sexist who thinks of a woman boss as inappropriate.” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93)	Draws a parallel between racist and sexist attitudes, showing how both forms of discrimination assume certain groups should be subordinate.
“The conservative argument policies directed against racism or sexism can be justified only if the society is not racist or sexist.” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 93)	Critiques the circular reasoning used in conservative defenses, which claim that change should only happen once discrimination has already disappeared—making change impossible.
“Lucas argues for institutionalizing sexist discrimination in such cases on the analogy of the speed limit.” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 94)	Criticizes pseudo-liberal justifications for discrimination, which argue that broad rules (e.g., hiring restrictions for women) are justified if a statistical majority lacks certain qualifications.
“Neither Blackstone nor Lucas explains why he thinks that hiring people on the basis of sex—and, within the favored sex, on qualifications—would be so much easier and more beneficial than hiring on the basis of individual qualifications.” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 94)	Challenges pseudo-liberal defenses of discrimination, arguing that hiring should be based on individual merit, not gender or racial categories.
“One person cannot be discriminated against as a woman without there being some practice or policy of discrimination which would affect other women who might not so choose.” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 95)	Critiques the libertarian defense of discrimination, which claims that discrimination is acceptable if individuals choose it (e.g., a woman choosing to be in a traditional role). The authors argue that individual choices affect systemic discrimination.
“One could produce a racially just society by convincing Blacks that they are better off as slaves, servants, and manual laborers than they would be if they had opportunity equal to those of Whites.” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 95)	Uses a satirical analogy to expose the flaws in libertarian arguments, showing that acceptance of discrimination does not make it just.
“Such institutions regulate and affect people other than those who choose them.” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 95)	Argues that social institutions create and sustain discrimination, rather than it being an issue of personal choice.
“No articles in the literature champion the rights of Blacks to be treated as inferior (or to be slaves if they want to be) in order to safeguard their freedom, and Cooper offers no reason for granting such rights to sexists while not granting them to racists.” (Ketchum & Pierce, 1976, p. 95)	Critiques philosophers who defend sexism while rejecting racism, exposing inconsistencies in their logic.

“Exploring Victorian Travel Literature: Disease, Race And Climate” by Emilie Taylor-Brown: Summary and Critique

“Exploring Victorian Travel Literature: Disease, Race and Climate” by Emilie Taylor-Brown first appeared in Studies in Travel Writing in 2016.

Introduction: “Exploring Victorian Travel Literature: Disease, Race And Climate” by Emilie Taylor-Brown

“Exploring Victorian Travel Literature: Disease, Race and Climate” by Emilie Taylor-Brown first appeared in Studies in Travel Writing in 2016. This article critically examines Jessica Howell’s book of the same title, which investigates how Victorian travel writers engaged with climate as a conceptual and narrative device to shape colonial discourse. Howell argues that climatism—a framework linking race, disease, and geography—was pivotal in justifying imperial expansion and racial hierarchies. Through her analysis of figures like Mary Seacole, Richard Burton, Africanus Horton, Mary Kingsley, and Joseph Conrad, Howell highlights the tension between environmental determinism and emerging medical theories of germ transmission. The study demonstrates how these writers used climatic metaphors to assert authority, define racial identities, and justify colonial practices. Howell’s interdisciplinary approach, drawing from travelogues, medical texts, and fiction, positions climate as both a rhetorical strategy and a form of biopolitical control, offering insights into the intersections of literature, imperialism, and medical history. Her work is significant in literary theory, particularly in postcolonial and eco-critical studies, as it underscores the persistent influence of outdated scientific ideologies on cultural narratives.

Summary of “Exploring Victorian Travel Literature: Disease, Race And Climate” by Emilie Taylor-Brown

Concept of Climatism and Its Role in Imperial Narratives
- Jessica Howell explores how climate functioned as a hermeneutic tool in Victorian travel literature to shape colonial discourse.
- The politicized and racialized discourse of “climatism” allowed Victorian writers to frame national and imperial identity (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 5).
- Climate was used “in multivalent and sometimes conflicting ways, to encourage or discourage imperial expansion, to emphasise or undercut a sense of their own heroism” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 5).
The Interplay of Climate, Race, and Disease in Colonial Contexts
- Writers used tropes and metaphors of climate to discuss disease in colonial territories.
- Despite advancements in germ theory, bacteriology, and parasitology, environmental pathologies persisted in the imperial imagination (Taylor-Brown, 2016, pp. 14-15).
- Howell highlights the rhetorical flexibility of miasma theory, which allowed writers to depict landscapes as either irredeemable sites of disease or locations with colonial potential (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 14).
Mary Seacole’s Manipulation of Climatic Discourse
- Mary Seacole challenged racial fitness theories by emphasizing her own “strong” hybrid physiology in contrast to the “weak” British constitution (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 32).
- Seacole used climate-related disease anxieties to position mixed-race nurses as indispensable, subverting traditional colonial gender roles (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 34).
- In Wonderful Adventures of Mrs. Seacole in Many Lands (1857), Seacole ties immunity to belonging, advocating for hybrid subjects through climatic narratives (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 34).
Richard Burton’s Medical Moral Geography
- Burton depicted West Africa as a dangerous landscape for the white body, reinforcing the need for European intervention (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 53).
- His writings inscribed Africans within “geographical boundaries,” effectively trapping them in racialized spaces while positioning whites as conquerors (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 57).
- Burton’s sensation-based approach to climate and disease justified racial and moral hierarchies in colonial medical geography (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 67).
James Africanus Horton’s Anti-Colonial Use of Climate Theory
- Horton, a trained African doctor, used climate discourse to challenge European colonialism and racial superiority (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 85).
- His work “marshals the rhetoric of environmental medicine” to critique Western arrogance and promote African self-governance (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 85).
- Howell highlights Horton’s role in creating space for an educated West African elite, using climatic arguments to assert political agency (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 97).
Mary Kingsley’s Subversion of Climatic Fatalism
- Kingsley described the West African climate as lethally dangerous for Europeans, yet positioned herself as impervious to its effects (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 110).
- Her climate rhetoric intertwined with gendered narratives, reinforcing her anti-colonial but pro-imperial stance (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 118).
- She framed her resilience as a “sympathy” with local environments, using climate discourse to challenge European settlement (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 124).
Joseph Conrad and the Psychological Impact of Climate
- Howell examines how Conrad’s writing explores the symbolic and psychological effects of climate (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 138).
- Conrad’s use of “symbolic mist” and “barometric pressure” reflects the mental toll of colonial illness and destabilizes the ideological foundations of imperialism (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 141).
Conclusion: Climatism as a Colonial Justification and Challenge
- Howell’s study reveals how climate functioned as both a justification for and a challenge to colonial narratives.
- The persistence of outdated disease theories shaped imperial discourse and framed relationships between race, empire, and environment (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 2).
- The book is significant for scholars in postcolonial studies, climate studies, and literary theory, demonstrating how climate mediates cultural authority and colonial power (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 2).

Theoretical Terms/Concepts in “Exploring Victorian Travel Literature: Disease, Race And Climate” by Emilie Taylor-Brown

Theoretical Term/Concept	Definition/Explanation	Reference from the Article
Climatism	The use of climate as a framework to interpret race, disease, and colonial identity. This theory linked environment to racial hierarchies and imperial ideologies.	“The politicised, racialised discourse of ‘climatism’… afforded writers of fictional and non-fictional travel narratives unique frameworks within which to explore national and imperial identity” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 5).
Biopolitical Power of Climate	The use of climate as a tool to regulate bodies, justify imperial rule, and maintain racial hierarchies.	“In doing so, [climate] expose[s] the biopolitical power of climate as a concept poignantly in dialogue with narratives of disease, race, and empire” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 5).
Miasma Theory	A pre-germ theory belief that diseases were caused by “bad air” from the environment, often used to racialize disease in colonial spaces.	“She makes a case, for example, for the utility of miasma as a ‘particularly rhetorically flexible element of climate’, which enabled writers to reimagine landscapes as irredeemable spaces of pathology, or as spaces of untold potential, in need of palliative imperialism” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 14).
Environmental Pathology	The idea that certain geographic regions, particularly tropical climates, inherently produce disease and degeneration, reinforcing colonial control.	“Despite the increasing acceptance of germ theory and a plethora of discoveries in the fields of bacteriology and parasitology in this time period, environmental pathologies continued to persist in the imperial imagination” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 14).
Medical Moral Geography	The concept that disease, morality, and racial superiority were mapped onto geographic spaces, shaping imperial attitudes.	“Burton’s ability to ‘sense’ an unhealthy area is used not only as a tool to reinforce his rhetorical authority, but as a framework for maintaining racial and moral hierarchies in a kind of ‘medical moral geography’” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 67).
Hybrid Physiology	The idea that mixed-race individuals, particularly those of African and European descent, had greater resistance to tropical diseases, challenging racial inferiority theories.	“By contrasting her ‘strong’ hybrid physiology with the ‘weak’ constitutions of white British subjects, Seacole, ‘tapped into [the] very germane and contentious topic[s]’ of polygenism and racial fitness” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 32).
Polygenism	A racial theory suggesting that different races evolved separately, often used to justify colonial hierarchy and segregation.	“Seacole, ‘tapped into [the] very germane and contentious topic[s]’ of polygenism and racial fitness, directly contradicting those who contended that mixed-race subjects were biologically inferior” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 32).
Acclimatisation Theory	The belief that European settlers could adapt biologically to tropical climates over generations, often debated in colonial medicine.	“The racial understanding of disease resistance, as well as arguments concerning the viability or otherwise of European acclimatisation, were attributable to the realities of acquired and innate immunity” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 34).
Colonial Illness Narratives	The literary and medical discourse that framed disease in colonial territories as a marker of racial and environmental inferiority.	“The aesthetic and rhetorical choices that the authors make in narrating their own tropical experiences represent ‘moments when […] the gaze of the coloniser and the gaze of the medical geographer’ collide” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 20).
Racial Anthropology	The use of scientific and pseudoscientific racial theories to classify and control colonized populations.	“The resulting pro-imperial narratives united racial anthropology with geography and colonial medicine to produce intensely political frameworks which ‘inscribe[d] Africans within geographical boundaries’” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 57).
Suicide by Africa	A literary trope that depicted Africa as a deadly, disease-ridden space that inevitably caused European settlers to perish.	“As Howell demonstrates, she [Kingsley] drew on the established discourse of ‘suicide by Africa’ (111) only to subvert this by representing herself as ‘impervious to climatic illness’” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 111).
Symbolic Registers of Climate	The use of climate as a literary device to explore mental and physical degeneration in colonial settings.	“Howell identifies a concern with the ‘symbolic registers of ‘barometric pressure’’ (138), arguing that writers like Joseph Conrad drew connections between external environment and internal balance” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 138).

Contribution of “Exploring Victorian Travel Literature: Disease, Race And Climate” by Emilie Taylor-Brown to Literary Theory/Theories

1. Postcolonial Theory

Colonial Travel Writing as an Ideological Tool: Howell demonstrates how Victorian travel narratives used climate to define racial hierarchies and justify imperial expansion.
- “The politicised, racialised discourse of ‘climatism’… afforded writers of fictional and non-fictional travel narratives unique frameworks within which to explore national and imperial identity” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 5).
Resistance to Colonial Discourses: The study highlights how writers like James Africanus Horton and Mary Seacole subverted colonial rhetoric by using climatic and disease discourse to challenge European superiority.
- “Horton used the notion of climatic danger to criticise western colonial arrogance, champion native constitution, and create ‘space for a pocket of educated West African authorities’” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 97).

2. Ecocriticism and Environmental Humanities

Climatism as an Imperial Justification and Environmental Determinism: Howell’s study examines how colonial travel narratives framed non-European spaces as inherently diseased and inhospitable to Europeans, reinforcing environmental determinism.
- “Despite the increasing acceptance of germ theory and a plethora of discoveries in the fields of bacteriology and parasitology in this time period, environmental pathologies continued to persist in the imperial imagination” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 14).
The Role of Miasma in Environmental Rhetoric: The book discusses how miasma was used to describe colonial spaces as places of danger and degeneration, reinforcing imperialist narratives.
- “She makes a case, for example, for the utility of miasma as a ‘particularly rhetorically flexible element of climate’, which enabled writers to reimagine landscapes as irredeemable spaces of pathology, or as spaces of untold potential, in need of palliative imperialism” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 14).

3. Medical Humanities and Disease Narratives

Medical Geography and Imperial Biopolitics: Howell reveals how climate was central to colonial medical discourse, shaping perceptions of racial immunity and vulnerability.
- “Burton’s ability to ‘sense’ an unhealthy area is used not only as a tool to reinforce his rhetorical authority, but as a framework for maintaining racial and moral hierarchies in a kind of ‘medical moral geography’” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 67).
Hybrid Physiology and Racial Medicine: The study highlights how figures like Mary Seacole used medical narratives to challenge colonial racial theories by emphasizing mixed-race immunity to disease.
- “By contrasting her ‘strong’ hybrid physiology with the ‘weak’ constitutions of white British subjects, Seacole, ‘tapped into [the] very germane and contentious topic[s]’ of polygenism and racial fitness” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 32).

4. Biopolitics and Foucault’s Theory of Power

The Body as a Site of Colonial Control: Howell’s analysis demonstrates how colonial authorities used environmental medicine to regulate bodies and populations in the empire.
- “The resulting pro-imperial narratives united racial anthropology with geography and colonial medicine to produce intensely political frameworks which ‘inscribe[d] Africans within geographical boundaries’” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 57).
Racialized Disease and Surveillance: Travel narratives framed non-European bodies as inherently diseased, reinforcing colonial biopower over indigenous populations.
- “The aesthetic and rhetorical choices that the authors make in narrating their own tropical experiences represent ‘moments when […] the gaze of the coloniser and the gaze of the medical geographer’ collide” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 20).

5. Gender and Postcolonial Feminism

Mary Seacole and the Reframing of Colonial Womanhood: The study highlights how Seacole subverted gendered imperial ideologies by positioning herself as a competent healer rather than a passive colonial subject.
- “Seacole positioned herself, and others like her, as ‘surrogate mothers’, and exploited white British subjects’ fear of disease in order to frame mixed-race nurses as indispensable” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 34).
Mary Kingsley’s Resistance to Colonial Feminine Norms: Howell examines how Kingsley manipulated gendered narratives to gain authority in colonial travel writing while maintaining a racially separatist stance.
- “She garnered narrative authority from this somatic robustness, which she framed as a ‘sympathy’ with local environments, and was able, at the same time, to use climate to argue against widespread European settlement” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 124).

6. Psychological Modernism and Literary Impressionism

Joseph Conrad and the Psychological Symbolism of Climate: Howell explores how Conrad’s use of mist and environmental symbolism represents the psychological and moral deterioration of European colonialists.
- “Conrad’s ‘impressionism’ and use of symbolic mist, she argues, function as motifs, which focus attention on the process of becoming ill and its mental toll” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 141).
Climate as a Metaphor for Colonial Anxiety: The study connects Conrad’s atmospheric descriptions to broader existential doubts about imperialism.
- “This psychologised understanding of climatic illness ultimately ‘thr[e]w the colonial project’s basic feasibility into doubt’” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 141).

Conclusion: The Broader Impact on Literary Theory

Howell’s study bridges multiple fields, including postcolonial studies, ecocriticism, medical humanities, biopolitics, feminist theory, and modernist literary analysis.
By examining climate as a multifaceted literary and ideological tool, the book sheds light on how environmental discourse functioned in the imperial imagination.
Howell’s interdisciplinary approach makes Exploring Victorian Travel Literature a valuable resource for scholars studying colonial literature, travel writing, and the intersection of race, disease, and environment in literary history.

Examples of Critiques Through “Exploring Victorian Travel Literature: Disease, Race And Climate” by Emilie Taylor-Brown

Literary Work & Author	Critique Through Taylor-Brown’s Analysis	Reference from the Article
Wonderful Adventures of Mrs. Seacole in Many Lands (1857) – Mary Seacole	– Seacole challenges racial and gendered hierarchies by portraying herself as a resilient mixed-race woman with an innate resistance to tropical diseases. – She reverses colonial narratives by framing white British women as vulnerable to illness and positioning herself as an indispensable caregiver.	“By contrasting her ‘strong’ hybrid physiology with the ‘weak’ constitutions of white British subjects, Seacole, ‘tapped into [the] very germane and contentious topic[s]’ of polygenism and racial fitness” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 32).
Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah and Meccah (1855) – Richard Burton	– Burton’s medical and geographical observations reinforce racial and imperial ideologies by portraying Africa as a diseased landscape dangerous to Europeans. – His use of climatism and medical geography helps justify colonial intervention by mapping racial hierarchies onto geography.	“Burton’s ability to ‘sense’ an unhealthy area is used not only as a tool to reinforce his rhetorical authority, but as a framework for maintaining racial and moral hierarchies in a kind of ‘medical moral geography’” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 67).
Travels in West Africa (1897) – Mary Kingsley	– Kingsley subverts the trope of European vulnerability by depicting herself as immune to African climates, reinforcing her authority as an explorer. – Her work is “anti-colonial but pro-imperial”, using climate discourse to discourage European settlement while maintaining racial separatism.	“She garnered narrative authority from this somatic robustness, which she framed as a ‘sympathy’ with local environments, and was able, at the same time, to use climate to argue against widespread European settlement” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 124).
Heart of Darkness (1899) – Joseph Conrad	– Conrad uses climate and disease as psychological metaphors, portraying colonial spaces as mentally and physically destabilizing. – His use of symbolic mist and barometric pressure reflects existential uncertainty and the failure of imperialism.	“Conrad’s ‘impressionism’ and use of symbolic mist, she argues, function as motifs, which focus attention on the process of becoming ill and its mental toll” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 141).

Criticism Against “Exploring Victorian Travel Literature: Disease, Race And Climate” by Emilie Taylor-Brown

1. Over-Reliance on Climatism as an Analytical Framework

The study heavily focuses on climatism as a primary interpretative lens, potentially overshadowing other significant factors, such as political, economic, and technological influences on colonial travel writing.
Howell’s argument that climate was used in “multivalent and sometimes conflicting ways” (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 5) is strong, but it may overstate the dominance of climate over other imperial narratives, such as direct racial violence, economic exploitation, and administrative policies.

2. Limited Engagement with Indigenous Perspectives

While the study acknowledges African authors like James Africanus Horton, it still prioritizes European colonial writers as the central voices, reinforcing a Eurocentric focus.
There is less direct engagement with indigenous narratives, which could provide a more nuanced counterpoint to the colonial discourse on climate, disease, and race.

3. Narrow Focus on Victorian Travel Writing

The study limits itself to the 1857–1899 period, which, while historically significant, may miss broader literary and scientific shifts in climate and disease discourse that occurred in the 18th and early 20th centuries.
Expanding the analysis to later colonial or postcolonial texts could provide a more comprehensive perspective on how these ideas evolved.

4. Generalization of Literary Intentions

Some literary authors’ intentions may be oversimplified, particularly when classifying them as either pro- or anti-colonial.
Mary Kingsley, for example, is described as holding an “anti-colonial but pro-imperial” stance (Taylor-Brown, 2016, p. 118), but this label may fail to capture the complexity of her personal and ideological positions.

5. Potential Overstatement of Medical Moral Geography

The argument that Burton and other writers constructed racial and moral hierarchies through medical geography is insightful, but it risks attributing too much intentionality to their descriptions of disease and climate.
Some Victorian travel writers, rather than actively reinforcing imperial rule, may have simply reflected contemporary scientific beliefs about disease and environment rather than strategically shaping colonial ideology.

6. Absence of Contemporary Scientific Counterpoints

The study does not engage deeply with contemporary medical or scientific critiques of Victorian climatism.
Including scientific perspectives from historians of medicine might provide a more balanced evaluation of how climatism functioned alongside emerging germ theory.

7. Lack of Comparative Analysis with Non-British Colonial Texts

The study focuses exclusively on British imperial narratives, missing a comparative perspective with French, Portuguese, or Dutch colonial travel literature, which could provide additional insights into how climatism functioned across different empires.
A broader cross-colonial analysis could test whether the same climate-race-disease narratives were used beyond British imperial writing.

Representative Quotations from “Exploring Victorian Travel Literature: Disease, Race And Climate” by Emilie Taylor-Brown with Explanation

Quotation	Explanation
“The politicised, racialised discourse of ‘climatism’… afforded writers of fictional and non-fictional travel narratives unique frameworks within which to explore national and imperial identity” (p. 5).	Highlights the central argument that climate was not just a scientific or environmental factor but a rhetorical tool in Victorian travel writing. It helped justify colonial expansion and racial hierarchies.
“Despite the increasing acceptance of germ theory and a plethora of discoveries in the fields of bacteriology and parasitology in this time period, environmental pathologies continued to persist in the imperial imagination” (p. 14).	Shows how outdated medical theories coexisted with scientific progress, indicating that colonial ideologies were not purely based on factual knowledge but on maintaining power structures.
“She makes a case, for example, for the utility of miasma as a ‘particularly rhetorically flexible element of climate’, which enabled writers to reimagine landscapes as irredeemable spaces of pathology, or as spaces of untold potential, in need of palliative imperialism” (p. 14).	Discusses the strategic use of miasma theory—how it allowed colonial writers to justify both the dangers of Africa and the necessity of European intervention.
“The aesthetic and rhetorical choices that the authors make in narrating their own tropical experiences represent ‘moments when […] the gaze of the coloniser and the gaze of the medical geographer’ collide” (p. 20).	Reflects how colonial travel writers merged scientific observation with imperialist ideology, shaping how disease and climate were perceived in different racial and geographical contexts.
“By contrasting her ‘strong’ hybrid physiology with the ‘weak’ constitutions of white British subjects, Seacole, ‘tapped into [the] very germane and contentious topic[s]’ of polygenism and racial fitness” (p. 32).	Explores how Mary Seacole subverted colonial racial hierarchies by using climate-based disease narratives to frame herself as more resilient than white British women.
“Burton’s ability to ‘sense’ an unhealthy area is used not only as a tool to reinforce his rhetorical authority, but as a framework for maintaining racial and moral hierarchies in a kind of ‘medical moral geography’” (p. 67).	Describes how Richard Burton’s travel writing linked disease, morality, and geography, reinforcing colonial control by depicting African landscapes as inherently unhealthy.
“The resulting pro-imperial narratives united racial anthropology with geography and colonial medicine to produce intensely political frameworks which ‘inscribe[d] Africans within geographical boundaries’” (p. 57).	Critiques how travel writing constructed racialized geographies, portraying African populations as being trapped within disease-ridden spaces that required European intervention.
“She garnered narrative authority from this somatic robustness, which she framed as a ‘sympathy’ with local environments, and was able, at the same time, to use climate to argue against widespread European settlement” (p. 124).	Explores how Mary Kingsley used her immunity to tropical diseases to reinforce her credibility as an explorer, while also discouraging mass European settlement in Africa.
“Conrad’s ‘impressionism’ and use of symbolic mist, she argues, function as motifs, which focus attention on the process of becoming ill and its mental toll” (p. 141).	Highlights how Joseph Conrad used climate symbolically in Heart of Darkness, portraying it as both a physical and psychological force that destabilizes European imperialists.
“This psychologised understanding of climatic illness ultimately ‘thr[e]w the colonial project’s basic feasibility into doubt’” (p. 141).	Suggests that Conrad’s depiction of climate in Heart of Darkness serves as a critique of imperialism itself, questioning whether Europeans were physically and mentally suited for colonial rule.

“Casual Racism In Victorian Literature” by Carolyn Betensky: Summary and Critique

“Casual Racism in Victorian Literature” by Carolyn Betensky first appeared in Victorian Literature and Culture in 2019, published by Cambridge University Press.

Introduction: “Casual Racism In Victorian Literature” by Carolyn Betensky

“Casual Racism in Victorian Literature” by Carolyn Betensky first appeared in Victorian Literature and Culture in 2019, published by Cambridge University Press. This article examines the pervasive but often overlooked presence of racial slurs and stereotypes in Victorian novels, particularly in texts that are not explicitly focused on themes of imperialism or racial ideology. Betensky argues that casual racism in these works is significant precisely because of its ordinariness—it appears as unremarkable background noise rather than as a central concern of the narrative. The essay challenges scholars and educators to confront the routine nature of racial bias in Victorian literature and to reconsider how we engage with these texts in the classroom. By drawing attention to the casual racism embedded in works like East Lynne (1861) and The Moonstone (1868), Betensky underscores the need to interrogate the ways in which Victorian literature both reflects and normalizes racist ideologies. She critiques the tendency of Victorian studies to prioritize discussions of imperialism over direct analyses of racism, arguing that casual racism deserves as much scholarly attention as more overtly colonial narratives. Furthermore, she connects this issue to contemporary discourse, suggesting that the failure to critically engage with casual racism in Victorian literature mirrors a broader societal reluctance to acknowledge systemic racism today. By integrating historical context with contemporary concerns, Betensky’s work provides an essential framework for rethinking how race functions in both literature and pedagogy.

Summary of “Casual Racism In Victorian Literature” by Carolyn Betensky

1. Casual Racism as a Teaching Challenge

Betensky describes how teachers of Victorian literature frequently encounter racist references in texts. Initially, these references are discussed, but over time, they become normalized and unnoticed:

“We learn, like the Victorians, to take it for granted.” (Betensky, p. 723)

The essay explores how racism appears incidentally in many works, not just those thematically centered on race and empire.

2. The Pervasiveness of Casual Racism

Casual racism is deeply embedded in Victorian literature, appearing in everyday descriptions and offhand comments rather than forming a major thematic concern.
For instance, in East Lynne (1861), a character uses the phrase “with a Jew’s eye,” a casually anti-Semitic remark that is not central to the novel:

“The slur doesn’t stand out as especially egregious to anyone familiar with Victorian culture.” (p. 724)

Casual racism in these texts is offensive but often overlooked, unlike the explicit anti-Semitism in Oliver Twist (1839), where Fagin’s Jewish identity is central to the novel’s depiction of criminality.

3. Victorian Racism as a Cultural Norm

Victorian literature reflects the widespread racism of the time, much of which was unconscious or unexamined. This raises the question of how contemporary scholars and students should engage with it.
Scholars have traditionally focused on how imperialism is central to Victorian literature, but casual racism, which appears in texts that are not explicitly about race, has been largely ignored.
Betensky questions:

“How do we contend with the pervasive instances of Victorian racism that do not dominate our readings of the texts in which they appear?” (p. 725)

4. The “Speaker’s Benefit” and the Problem of Historical Distance

The essay draws on Michel Foucault’s concept of the “speaker’s benefit,” wherein modern readers take pride in acknowledging the racism of the past to feel morally superior.
This creates a false sense of progress, implying that contemporary society has evolved beyond racism:

“Calling the Victorians repressed is thus not a neutral nor merely an erroneous act… it represents an important investment on the part of those who propagate it.” (p. 732)

By contextualizing Victorian racism without acknowledging ongoing racism today, scholars risk reinforcing the illusion that contemporary society has fully transcended racial prejudices.

5. Implications for Teaching and Antiracist Pedagogy

Betensky discusses how casual racism should be addressed in the classroom.
She critiques the tendency of educators to note racism in texts but then instruct students to “bracket” their reactions in favor of “sophisticated reading.”
She acknowledges her own past failures:

“I had always wanted students to recognize racism when they saw it but had been asking them, at the same time, to take that recognition and bracket it.” (p. 730)

She argues for a pedagogical approach that connects Victorian racism to contemporary systemic racism.

6. Case Study: “Infestation” in The Moonstone

Betensky highlights an example from Wilkie Collins’s The Moonstone (1868), where an Indian character is described as part of a group that “infests the streets.”
She draws a comparison between this and modern political rhetoric, such as Donald Trump’s 2018 tweet about immigrants “infesting” the country.
The use of dehumanizing language persists, illustrating the continuity of casual racism from the Victorian era to the present.

7. The Risk of Ignoring Racism in Literature

Ignoring casual racism in Victorian literature has two key dangers:
1. It alienates students of color, forcing them to endure repeated exposure to racist content without discussion.
2. It trains all students to accept systemic racism as normal or irrelevant.
One of Betensky’s students reflects on how racism should be addressed upfront in classroom discussions:

“Every instance of racism needs to be taken seriously. If, as educators, we decide not to discuss the racism within these texts because of our own discomfort… then we shouldn’t be teaching them at all.” (p. 742)

8. Conclusion: Toward Strategic Presentism

Betensky advocates for a “strategic presentism” approach, which balances historical context with contemporary relevance.
Scholars should not simply historicize Victorian racism but use it to help students understand ongoing racial injustices.
The study of Victorian literature should challenge students to recognize that racism is not just a thing of the past:

“Noticing, thinking, and talking about casual racism in Victorian texts is not even radical. It’s really the least we can do.” (p. 741)

Theoretical Terms/Concepts in “Casual Racism In Victorian Literature” by Carolyn Betensky

Theoretical Term/Concept	Definition	Usage in the Essay	Key Quote
Casual Racism	Everyday, unremarked racial slurs or stereotypes in literature that do not drive the plot but reflect pervasive racism.	Betensky argues that casual racism is embedded in Victorian literature and is often ignored or normalized.	“Casual racism abounds in Victorian novels. When it appears, casual racism can seem gratuitous, but it’s seldom surprising.” (p. 724)
Centripetal Racism	A form of racism that is central to a text’s structure, theme, or character development.	Betensky distinguishes casual racism from centripetal racism, as seen in Oliver Twist, where anti-Semitism is a fundamental part of Fagin’s depiction.	“Oliver Twist would not be Oliver Twist without Fagin; East Lynne, on the other hand, could lose the slur without being affected in any substantial way.” (p. 724)
Speaker’s Benefit (Foucault)	The sense of moral superiority derived from acknowledging past ignorance while positioning oneself as more enlightened.	Betensky applies this to how modern readers use Victorian racism as a way to distance themselves from their own complicity in systemic racism.	“Calling the Victorians repressed is thus not a neutral nor merely an erroneous act… it represents an important investment on the part of those who propagate it.” (p. 732)
Strategic Presentism	A critical approach that connects past texts to contemporary issues rather than treating them as historically distant.	Betensky argues for a teaching approach that links Victorian racism to present-day systemic racism.	“Strategic presentism offers a path toward contemporary relevance that does not cast aside historical specificity so much as it reframes our relationship to it.” (p. 738)
Historical Contextualization	Understanding a text within its specific historical and cultural background.	Betensky critiques the tendency to use historical context to excuse or neutralize Victorian racism.	“By insisting on the historical specificity of Victorian racism… I had been instructing students to think, falsely, that we stood in an evolved relationship not only to Victorian racism but to racism, period.” (p. 730)
Veil of Ignorance (Spoerhase)	A method of avoiding presentist biases by deliberately ignoring modern knowledge when analyzing historical texts.	Betensky warns that using historical context to separate Victorian racism from today’s racism risks reinforcing ignorance.	“If we hold analyses of racism from our own time at arm’s length as we read Victorian texts, we are effectively imposing what Carlos Spoerhase calls a ‘veil of ignorance’ on ourselves and our students.” (p. 731)
Normalization of Whiteness	The assumption that whiteness is the default or unmarked position in literature and culture.	Betensky discusses how casual racism contributes to the erasure of non-white voices in Victorian studies.	“The banality of Victorian racism surely resonates differently for readers who have not enjoyed its ongoing benefits.” (p. 726)
Microaggressions	Subtle, often unintentional, discriminatory remarks or actions that reinforce racial biases.	Betensky connects casual racism in Victorian literature to modern microaggressions, arguing that both reflect systemic racism.	“For the students who are the most sensitive to every nuance of racism in contemporary discourse, ignoring casual racism in the texts we teach constitutes a betrayal.” (p. 735)
Imperialism and Racism	The link between imperialist ideologies and racial hierarchies in literature.	Victorian literature often reinforces imperialist views, but casual racism can exist even in texts that are not explicitly about empire.	“Imperialist practices tend to be premised on racism; racism and imperialism overlap in many respects. However, not all imperialism is racist, and not all racism is imperialist.” (p. 727)
Dissociation from Racism	The act of recognizing racism but separating oneself from it emotionally or intellectually.	Betensky critiques how Victorian literature professors encourage students to recognize racism but also to “bracket” it.	“I had been asking them, at the same time, to take that recognition and bracket it.” (p. 730)

Contribution of “Casual Racism In Victorian Literature” by Carolyn Betensky to Literary Theory/Theories

1. Postcolonial Theory

Expands the scope of postcolonial critique beyond empire-focused texts

Postcolonial literary criticism often examines the central role of empire and colonialism in shaping literature. Betensky extends this focus by highlighting casual racism in texts that are not primarily about empire.
Key Quote: “As opposed to texts with full-on explorations of race or nation, the ones that interest me here are the texts that are not typically read in this connection.” (p. 723)
This aligns with Edward Said’s (Culture and Imperialism) argument that imperialism shapes even those texts where it is not explicitly foregrounded.
Challenges the notion that racism must be explicit to be significant

Postcolonial critics like Homi Bhabha and Gayatri Spivak have argued that racism is embedded in language and culture. Betensky builds on this by showing how even minor, throwaway references reinforce racial hierarchies.
Key Quote: “The throwaway reference to supposed Jewish greed is not an intrinsic element of the novel, whereas in Oliver Twist, by way of comparison, the depiction of Fagin is explicitly, extensively, and thematically anti-Semitic.” (p. 724)

2. Critical Race Theory (CRT)

Foregrounds the concept of ‘casual racism’ as a systemic issue rather than an individual failing

Betensky aligns with CRT’s premise that racism is structural and systemic, rather than a collection of individual prejudices.
Key Quote: “Casual racism is no less structural or systemic than the racism that demands and has undergone in-depth analysis.” (p. 726)
This complements Cheryl Harris’s (Whiteness as Property) argument that whiteness operates as an invisible system of privilege.
Calls for a shift in literary pedagogy to address embedded racism

Betensky critiques the way Victorian literature is often taught in a way that dissociates contemporary readers from its racism. She urges a pedagogical approach that connects historical racism with modern systemic racism.
Key Quote: “By insisting on the historical specificity of Victorian racism… I had been instructing students to think, falsely, that we stood in an evolved relationship not only to Victorian racism but to racism, period.” (p. 730)

3. Historicism and Presentism (Strategic Presentism)

Reframes the role of historical context in analyzing racism

Betensky critiques traditional historicism, which aims to understand texts purely in their own time, arguing that this approach can lead to the erasure of racism’s ongoing impact.
Key Quote: “If we portray the Victorians as if they were different from us in their ignorance and in the throwaway casualness of their racism… we are effectively portraying our own culture as one that has, to some unexamined degree, transcended racism.” (p. 733)
This aligns with Fredric Jameson’s (The Political Unconscious) argument that literature must be interpreted through both its historical conditions and its ongoing ideological effects.
Supports ‘Strategic Presentism’ as a method for engaging with Victorian racism

Betensky builds on the V21 Collective’s idea of “strategic presentism,” which calls for actively connecting past texts to present-day issues rather than treating them as historically distant.
Key Quote: “Strategic presentism offers a path toward contemporary relevance that does not cast aside historical specificity so much as it reframes our relationship to it.” (p. 738)

4. Reader-Response Theory

Explores how different readers experience casual racism in texts

Betensky argues that whiteness as the default position in literary studies affects how racism is perceived in Victorian texts. Readers of color are more likely to notice and be affected by casual racism than white readers.
Key Quote: “For the students who are the most sensitive to every nuance of racism in contemporary discourse, ignoring casual racism in the texts we teach constitutes a betrayal.” (p. 735)
This aligns with Stanley Fish’s idea that interpretation is shaped by the reader’s background and identity.
Critiques the ‘sophisticated reader’ model in academia

Betensky examines how students are trained to bracket their moral reactions to racism in Victorian literature in the name of scholarly detachment.
Key Quote: “I had been asking them, at the same time, to take that recognition and bracket it.” (p. 730)
This echoes Louise Rosenblatt’s (The Reader, the Text, the Poem) view that emotions and ethics are central to literary interpretation.

5. Foucauldian Discourse Analysis

Applies Foucault’s concept of ‘The Speaker’s Benefit’ to discussions of Victorian racism

Betensky adapts Michel Foucault’s argument (from The History of Sexuality) that modern speakers construct their own self-image by positioning themselves as more enlightened than the past.
Key Quote: “Disavowing Victorian repression has an analogue in disavowing Victorian racism. When we tell our students that Victorian culture was deeply racist… we reap a collective speaker’s benefit.” (p. 732)
Questions how power operates in literary studies through discourse

Betensky critiques the “veil of ignorance” that scholars sometimes impose by separating Victorian racism from contemporary issues.
Key Quote: “Encountering purged words in Victorian texts without noting these continuities allows the triumphalism of the speaker’s benefit to go unchallenged.” (p. 734)
This aligns with Foucault’s (Discipline and Punish) argument that discourse is a means of social control.

6. Pedagogy and Antiracist Education

Advocates for pedagogical methods that highlight casual racism in Victorian texts

Betensky argues that Victorian literature should be taught in a way that makes students critically aware of both past and present racism.
Key Quote: “How do we contend with the pervasive instances of Victorian racism that do not dominate our readings of the texts in which they appear? How, in other words, do we remark the unremarkable?” (p. 724)
Emphasizes the importance of pre-reading activities

One of Betensky’s students suggests that teachers should “frontload” discussions of racism before students read the text, so they are better prepared to notice it.
Key Quote: “A unit on Wuthering Heights should include… what it meant at that time to call a character ‘gipsy,’ and how this was a construction of race and identity.” (p. 742)

Conclusion: A Multidisciplinary Contribution

Betensky’s work bridges literary studies, postcolonial critique, critical race theory, and pedagogy, offering a new framework for understanding casual racism in literature.
By challenging historical contextualization as an excuse for past racism, she redefines the relationship between Victorian texts and contemporary racial discourse.
Her work contributes to ongoing debates in academia about race, privilege, and the role of literature in shaping societal norms.

Examples of Critiques Through “Casual Racism In Victorian Literature” by Carolyn Betensky

Literary Work	Casual Racism Identified	Betensky’s Analysis Applied	Significance in Victorian Studies
East Lynne (1861) – Ellen Wood	Reference to examining a property deed “with a Jew’s eye,” an anti-Semitic trope.	Betensky argues that such casual racism is “offhand” and does not drive the plot, unlike overtly racist characters like Fagin in Oliver Twist. However, its presence reflects ingrained societal racism.	Illustrates how anti-Semitic references were casually woven into Victorian novels without necessarily making them central to the plot, reflecting systemic cultural biases.
Oliver Twist (1839) – Charles Dickens	Fagin’s depiction as a villainous, greedy Jew, with exaggerated racial stereotypes.	Unlike casual racism, this instance is central to the novel’s narrative. Betensky contrasts this with more subtle slurs, suggesting that casual racism operates differently from thematically racist texts.	Highlights the distinction between casual and central racism in Victorian literature. Even though Oliver Twist is explicitly anti-Semitic, it shares a context with more “incidental” racist references found elsewhere.
Jane Eyre (1847) – Charlotte Brontë	Rochester’s disguise as a “shockingly ugly old creature [. . .] almost as black as a crock” when pretending to be a gypsy.	Betensky notes that such passing racist remarks are often overlooked in literary discussions, despite their normalization in Victorian culture. She critiques the tendency to ignore these instances when they do not drive the central plot.	Demonstrates how Victorian literature encoded racist ideas into otherwise unrelated plot points, making them appear incidental rather than overt.
The Moonstone (1868) – Wilkie Collins	Sergeant Bruff refers to “strolling Indians who infest the streets,” using “infest” to describe non-white presence in England.	Betensky critiques how casual racism is embedded in the very language of Victorian literature. Such phrasing subtly reinforces colonialist hierarchies without explicit discussion of race.	Shows how even detective fiction, not primarily concerned with race, perpetuates colonialist ideologies through language.

Key Insights from Betensky’s Framework

Casual Racism vs. Thematic Racism: Some Victorian novels (Oliver Twist) revolve around racist characterizations, while others (East Lynne, The Moonstone) include incidental racism that is no less significant.
Pedagogical Challenges: In teaching Victorian literature, casual racism often becomes unremarkable because it is so frequent. Betensky highlights the difficulty of discussing it without reinforcing modern biases.
Historical Context and Presentism: Betensky warns against seeing Victorian racism as merely a product of its time, arguing that it persists in contemporary narratives.

Criticism Against “Casual Racism In Victorian Literature” by Carolyn Betensky

1. Overemphasis on “Casual” Racism at the Expense of Structural Racism

Some critics argue that Betensky focuses too much on incidental racist remarks rather than the deeper systemic and institutional racism that shaped Victorian literature.
By emphasizing casual racism, the analysis may obscure the broader, more deliberate racial ideologies at play in empire-building and colonial discourse.

2. Risk of Overgeneralization About “The Victorians”

Betensky acknowledges the problem of lumping all Victorians together but still frequently refers to “the Victorians” as a collective.
This broad characterization risks flattening the diversity of opinions on race within Victorian society, including abolitionist and anti-imperialist perspectives.

3. Presentism and Moral Judgment

Some scholars argue that Betensky’s approach leans towards presentism, applying contemporary racial frameworks to historical texts without fully accounting for their historical contexts.
The essay sometimes implies that Victorian racism should be analyzed through modern moral judgments, which could lead to anachronistic readings.

4. Lack of Engagement with Non-Western Perspectives

While Betensky critiques how Victorian texts treat racial others, she does not sufficiently incorporate perspectives from scholars of color or postcolonial theorists outside the Western academic tradition.
This could limit the scope of the analysis, particularly when discussing how racialized subjects resisted or reinterpreted racist narratives.

5. Overemphasis on Pedagogy Over Literary Analysis

The essay is heavily focused on how educators handle racist elements in Victorian literature rather than providing a detailed literary theoretical framework.
Some critics may argue that it lacks a rigorous engagement with existing literary theories on race and empire (e.g., postcolonialism, critical race theory).

6. Ambiguity in Defining “Casual Racism”

The concept of “casual racism” is somewhat nebulous in the essay—sometimes referring to incidental slurs, sometimes to broader ideological undercurrents.
A clearer theoretical definition of how casual racism differs from structural racism or unconscious bias could strengthen the argument.

7. Limited Consideration of Counterexamples

The essay focuses on examples where casual racism is ignored or normalized but does not sufficiently engage with Victorian texts or figures who actively challenged racist ideas.
Works by authors such as Mary Seacole or Frederick Douglass, who responded directly to Victorian racism, are absent from the discussion.

8. Implications for Modern Readership

Betensky suggests that recognizing casual racism in Victorian texts should lead to deeper discussions on modern racism, but critics argue she does not fully explore how this would work in contemporary literary studies.
The essay could provide more concrete strategies for how contemporary readers and scholars should navigate these texts beyond merely acknowledging their racist elements.

Overall Summary of Criticism

While Casual Racism in Victorian Literature offers an important lens for analyzing racial discourse in Victorian novels, it has been critiqued for:

Potentially overshadowing systemic racism with a focus on incidental slurs.
Overgeneralizing Victorian attitudes toward race.
Leaning into presentism.
Lacking engagement with global perspectives.
Prioritizing pedagogy over literary theory.

Representative Quotations from “Casual Racism In Victorian Literature” by Carolyn Betensky with Explanation

Quotation	Explanation
“The first time a casually racist reference crops up in the Victorian texts I teach, I tell my students that the presence of slurs and stereotypes in Victorian literature reflects the prevalence of racism in Victorian society.”	Betensky highlights the normalization of casual racism in Victorian literature and the challenges educators face in addressing it within a historical and pedagogical context.
“We learn, like the Victorians, to take it for granted.”	This statement underscores how casual racism, when encountered repeatedly, becomes normalized and unremarkable, mirroring the way Victorians accepted such rhetoric as part of everyday discourse.
“Casual racism abounds in Victorian novels. When it appears, casual racism can seem gratuitous, but it’s seldom surprising.”	Betensky emphasizes how racism in Victorian literature is so common that it becomes expected rather than shocking, reinforcing its systemic nature.
“The question I wish to pose here is relatively simple: What do we do, and what might we do, when we are faced, especially in a classroom setting, with the banality of Victorian racism?”	The author introduces the central pedagogical dilemma—how to engage with racist elements in Victorian literature without either ignoring them or turning them into mere historical artifacts.
“Calling a kind of racism ‘casual’ by no means implies less racism. And casual racism is no less structural or systemic than the racism that demands and has undergone in-depth analysis—what we could call centripetal racism.”	Betensky challenges the notion that casual racism is benign, arguing that it is as deeply embedded in societal structures as overt, deliberate racism.
“Encountering casual racism as often as we do in Victorian texts without a theory of it or a protocol for seeing it leaves us and our students in the position of having either to ignore it … or to pronounce sanctimoniously, repetitively, and unhelpfully upon ‘the Victorians’.”	She critiques two ineffective approaches—either disregarding racist elements or condemning them without deeper analysis—and calls for a more nuanced response.
“If my ‘we’ includes ‘you,’ it is because you are open to the idea that getting students to think deeply about the embeddedness and ordinariness of racism in their world may sometimes be more important than teaching them about Victorian literature and culture.”	Betensky argues for a teaching approach that prioritizes critical engagement with racism over a purely literary analysis, emphasizing real-world implications.
“Disavowing Victorian repression has an analogue in disavowing Victorian racism. When we tell our students that Victorian culture was deeply racist and provide historical context … we reap a collective speaker’s benefit.”	She connects the idea of “speaker’s benefit” (from Foucault) to the way modern readers distance themselves from Victorian racism, falsely assuming moral superiority.
“The speaker’s benefit is only part of the problem that arises when we differentiate contemporary from Victorian concepts of race. For while histories of race … are crucial … they can also affirm the notion that racism should be diagnosed on the basis of the reconstructed intentions of the subject accused of it.”	Betensky critiques the tendency to analyze Victorian racism only in terms of historical context, arguing that this approach neglects the structural and unconscious nature of racism.
“Casual racism in Victorian literature and culture is not, was not, a Victorian problem: it is a Victorian studies problem.”	She concludes that the real challenge is not just recognizing racism in the past but understanding how it persists in academic discourse and teaching today.

“The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey: Summary and Critique

“The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey first appeared in Critical Inquiry (Vol. 14, No. 3) in the Spring of 1988, published by The University of Chicago Press.

Introduction: “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey

“The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey first appeared in Critical Inquiry (Vol. 14, No. 3) in the Spring of 1988, published by The University of Chicago Press. This article examines the complex interrelationship between literature and Marxist theory through the lens of Balzac’s Colonel Chabert and Marx’s The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. Petrey’s central argument is that both texts challenge the conventional Marxist concept of economism—the idea that economic structures solely determine social reality. Instead, these works demonstrate how ideology itself has a material presence that shapes historical and individual existence. Petrey highlights how Balzac’s Colonel Chabert, a novel about a Napoleonic officer who returns from the dead only to find himself erased by legal and social institutions, parallels Marx’s analysis of history as a site of repetition and ideological entrapment. The shared imagery between Balzac and Marx, particularly the motif of history weighing upon the present like a nightmare, underscores the instability of representation and the intricate interplay between ideology and reality. The article’s significance in literary theory lies in its reevaluation of realism—not as a transparent reflection of material conditions but as an active force in shaping those conditions. By reading Balzac’s novel through a Marxist lens and vice versa, Petrey illustrates how literature and ideology mutually construct historical meaning, making the study of representation essential for understanding both literary realism and political history.

Summary of “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey

1. The Intertextual Connection Between Marx and Balzac

Marx and Engels highly valued Balzac’s depiction of French society, with Engels stating that Comédie humaine taught him more than historians and economists of the time (Petrey, 1988, p. 448).
Marx intended to write a study of Balzac, highlighting the deep connection between literature and socio-political analysis (p. 448).
Petrey explores how Balzac’s Colonel Chabert and Marx’s The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte share a common vision of history and representation.

2. Challenging Economism: The Limits of Base-Superstructure Theory

Traditional Marxist thought emphasizes economic determinism, where material conditions dictate ideological and political structures.
Petrey argues that both Balzac and Marx reject a simplistic economic model, instead depicting ideology as an independent material force (p. 449).
Both authors reveal that social reality is not merely a reflection of economic forces but is shaped by representation and ideology.

3. The Weight of Ideology: History as a Nightmare

Both Balzac and Marx describe ideology as an oppressive weight on individuals and societies.
In Colonel Chabert, Chabert experiences the weight of social and legal institutions pressing down on him “like a nightmare” (p. 450).
Marx echoes this in The Eighteenth Brumaire, writing that “the tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living” (p. 450).
This shared imagery suggests that history does not progress linearly but instead haunts the present, shaping and distorting political action.

4. Crisis of Representation: Identity and Politics in Flux

In Colonel Chabert, Chabert’s physical existence is undeniable, but because society has declared him dead, his identity is erased (p. 452).
Similarly, in The Eighteenth Brumaire, the class struggle exists but fails to manifest politically, leading to a political void (p. 457).
Both texts highlight the failure of representation: economic and social realities do not always translate into political recognition.

5. The Rupture Between Sign and Reality

Petrey examines how Marx and Balzac dismantle the idea that words and symbols reliably reflect reality.
Marx describes Napoleon III’s supporters with a chaotic list of labels: “swindlers, mountebanks, pickpockets, tricksters” (p. 451), showing that political legitimacy is constructed rather than inherent.
Similarly, in Colonel Chabert, Chabert’s name no longer signifies a living person, underscoring the fragility of identity in a world dictated by social conventions (p. 452).

6. The Paradox of Class Identity: When is a Class Not a Class?

Marx asserts that the French peasantry in The Eighteenth Brumaire is both a class and not a class (p. 459).
Lacking political representation, the peasants “must be represented” by Napoleon III, who claims to embody their interests even though he does not serve them (p. 459).
This parallels Chabert’s dilemma—he exists, but society refuses to recognize him, mirroring the struggle of the dispossessed (p. 460).

7. Ideology as a Material Force: Social Reality is Constructed

Petrey draws on Althusser’s theory that ideology interpellates individuals as subjects, meaning people do not exist outside of ideological structures (p. 465).
In Colonel Chabert, Chabert is legally dead because ideology dictates it—even though he is alive, he is denied legal and social recognition.
Similarly, in The Eighteenth Brumaire, Marx shows that ideology shapes political outcomes, as Napoleon III gains power by exploiting historical nostalgia (p. 464).

8. Political Theatricality: Power as Performance

Marx describes Napoleon III’s rule as a theatrical performance rather than a genuine political movement (p. 467).
His legitimacy is based not on economic or political reality but on his ability to manipulate signs, symbols, and historical myths (p. 467).
Petrey links this to J. L. Austin’s concept of performative speech, where language does not merely describe reality but creates it (p. 464).
This is mirrored in Colonel Chabert, where Chabert’s identity ceases to exist because legal and social discourse has erased him.

9. The Dialectic of Realism and Ideology

Petrey argues that Balzac and Marx reject the idea that realism simply depicts material conditions.
Instead, they show that social reality is constructed through ideology and discourse.
Marx famously wrote that “the social revolution of the nineteenth century cannot draw its poetry from the past, but only from the future” (p. 468).
This suggests that both revolutionary movements and reactionary regimes are constructed through historical narratives rather than purely economic conditions.

10. Literature and History as Interwoven Forms of Representation

Petrey concludes that Balzac and Marx both challenge simplistic notions of reality and representation.
Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire illustrate that ideology does not merely distort reality—it creates it (p. 468).
Recognition and legitimacy are not inherent but socially constructed, determining who is acknowledged as a subject or class.
Both texts demonstrate that history is not simply determined by economic forces but is actively shaped by ideological struggles and representations.

Theoretical Terms/Concepts in “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey

Term/Concept	Definition/Explanation	Relevance in the Article
Economism	The assumption that economic structures alone determine social and ideological formations.	Petrey critiques this as too simplistic, arguing that both Balzac and Marx show that ideology has its own material force (p. 449).
Ideology	A system of beliefs and representations that shape individuals’ perception of reality.	Marx and Balzac both depict ideology as actively shaping reality rather than merely obscuring it (p. 450).
Representation	The way reality, identity, or historical events are depicted through language, symbols, and ideology.	Petrey argues that representation does not simply reflect reality but creates it, as seen in Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire (p. 452).
Materialism	The philosophical perspective that social and political structures arise from material conditions rather than abstract ideas.	The Eighteenth Brumaire challenges strict materialism by showing that ideological narratives shape material reality (p. 457).
Historical Materialism	Marxist theory that history develops through material economic conditions and class struggles.	Petrey shows how The Eighteenth Brumaire complicates this view by depicting history as shaped by ideological forces as well (p. 459).
Base-Superstructure Model	The Marxist idea that the economic “base” (mode of production) determines the “superstructure” (politics, law, ideology).	Petrey argues that Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire challenge this hierarchy by showing that ideology can shape the base (p. 460).
Interpellation	Althusser’s concept that individuals become subjects through ideological structures that define their identity.	Chabert is legally dead despite being alive, showing how social recognition determines existence (p. 465).
Performative Speech	J. L. Austin’s concept that language does not just describe reality but actively creates it.	Napoleon III’s political legitimacy is based on performative discourse, not material reality (p. 464).
Political Theatricality	The idea that political power is maintained through spectacle and symbolic acts rather than direct class control.	Napoleon III constructs his rule through performance and historical myth rather than economic necessity (p. 467).
Class Struggle	The conflict between social classes over control of economic and political power.	The Eighteenth Brumaire shows how class struggle can be politically invisible despite existing materially (p. 457).
False Consciousness	A Marxist concept where people misrecognize their true class interests due to ideological manipulation.	French peasants support Napoleon III because of historical nostalgia rather than material interests (p. 459).
Semiotics	The study of signs and symbols and their meaning in language and culture.	Petrey uses semiotic analysis to show how names, identities, and political legitimacy are constructed through discourse (p. 452).
Crisis of Representation	The idea that signs and symbols fail to correspond directly to reality.	Chabert is a man who exists but is not socially recognized, mirroring how class struggle exists but is politically absent (p. 460).
Dialectical Semiotics	The Marxist idea that meaning is produced through contradictions in representation rather than direct reflection of reality.	The peasants are “both a class and not a class”—they exist materially but only gain political identity through Napoleon III’s representation (p. 459).
Bourgeois Revolution	The transition from feudalism to capitalism through the rise of the bourgeoisie as a ruling class.	Marx describes bourgeois revolutions as relying on historical myths and theatricality rather than pure material necessity (p. 467).
Historical Narratives	The way history is told and structured through ideological perspectives.	Napoleon III maintains power by invoking the past rather than by responding to contemporary material needs (p. 468).

Contribution of “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey to Literary Theory/Theories

1. Marxist Literary Theory

Challenges Economism:
- Petrey critiques the idea that economic structures alone determine social and ideological forms, arguing that ideology has its own material force. “Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire undermine the armature of economism, the hierarchical superiority of material reality over ideological concepts” (p. 449).
Ideology as Material Force:
- Instead of viewing ideology as a mere reflection of economic conditions, Petrey shows that both Balzac and Marx depict ideology as actively shaping reality. “Because both texts represent ideology as a material reality in its own right, they make every hierarchy based on the opposition between matter and ideology untenable” (p. 450).
Reevaluates Class Struggle:
- The Eighteenth Brumaire suggests that class struggle is not always politically visible, undermining the traditional Marxist notion that economic conditions alone drive historical change. “The proletariat may be the subject-object of history, but the history analyzed in The Eighteenth Brumaire takes place with neither workers nor the ‘revolutionary interests of their class’ affecting it” (p. 457).
Political Power as Performance:
- Napoleon III’s legitimacy is derived not from material class struggle but from historical myth and representation. “Napoleon III consolidated his position by making other names change the world despite their ridiculous inability to describe it” (p. 456).

2. Structuralism and Semiotics

Crisis of Representation:
- Petrey highlights how both Balzac and Marx depict the instability of representation, where signs (names, identities, political positions) fail to correspond to reality. “Colonel Chabert enacts the same dissociation of representation and reality, sign and referent, through continuous depiction of a living individual unsuccessfully seeking the name of a man declared dead” (p. 452).
Language Constructs Reality:
- The article aligns with Ferdinand de Saussure’s structuralism by showing that representation is arbitrary but powerful. “The peasantry’s class being and Chabert’s death are ideal instances of the reality produced by what Austin named performative speech” (p. 464).
Names and Identity:
- The case of Chabert losing his identity shows that language does not reflect reality but actively shapes it. “Chabert is therefore the most impertinent of challenges to the philosopheme of representation, a referent separated from its sign” (p. 453).

3. Poststructuralism and Deconstruction

Destabilization of Meaning:
- Petrey engages in a deconstructive reading by showing that meaning in Marx and Balzac is always shifting. “Are we a class or are we a sack of potatoes? The French peasants might well ask Marx. In neither case is the answer definitive” (p. 459).
Rejection of Fixed Reality:
- Petrey suggests that neither Balzac nor Marx believes in a stable, fixed reality that can be simply represented. “What was ‘concrete’ has become ‘abstract.’ The referent prior to ideology is now the imaginary derivative of ideological production” (p. 466).

4. Performative Theory (J.L. Austin, Judith Butler)

Performativity in Politics:
- The article suggests that Napoleon III’s legitimacy is established through performative speech rather than material reality. “The adventurer, who took the comedy as plain comedy, was bound to win” (p. 464).
Social Construction of Identity:
- Chabert is legally dead despite being alive, proving that identity is socially constructed through legal and ideological discourse. “Because Chabert is said, conceived, and narrated as dead, his real life-process ceases to be a matter of practical consequence” (p. 454).

5. New Historicism

Interplay Between Literature and History:
- Petrey treats Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire as historical texts that both shape and are shaped by their socio-political contexts. “Balzac’s painful descriptions of Chabert’s physical deterioration do not reverse a hierarchy so much as undo the opposition on which it is based” (p. 455).
Historical Representation as Fictional:
- The Eighteenth Brumaire shows that history itself is constructed through representation. “Historical tradition gave rise to the belief of the French peasants in the miracle that a man named Napoleon would bring all their glory back to them” (p. 464).

6. Postmodernism

Reality as a Construct of Narrative:
- The article suggests that reality is not objectively given but constructed through historical and ideological narratives. “Poetry from the future and dramatis personae from the past are equally false to the present and equally crucial to historical change” (p. 468).
Blurring of Fact and Fiction:
- Both Marx and Balzac depict political and social identities as theatrical performances rather than material truths. “Fictions are not that which Marxism must refuse but that which it must incorporate” (p. 468).

Summary of Contributions

Sandy Petrey’s “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” makes significant contributions to Marxist Literary Theory, Structuralism, Poststructuralism, Performative Theory, New Historicism, and Postmodernism by showing:

Representation is not a mere reflection of reality but an active force in shaping it.
Ideology has material effects, challenging the base-superstructure model.
Identity and history are performative acts rather than fixed entities.
Both Marx and Balzac depict history as theatrical and constructed through discourse.

Examples of Critiques Through “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey

Literary Work	Critique Through Petrey’s Lens	Key Concepts from “The Reality of Representation”
1. Charles Dickens’ Bleak House	The novel’s legal system mirrors the ideological weight described by Petrey—where representation (the endless Chancery case of Jarndyce v. Jarndyce) becomes more real than the individuals caught in it. Chancery law, like Chabert’s death certificate, overpowers material reality.	Ideology as Material Force: The legal and bureaucratic systems shape lives independently of material reality, much like Chabert’s legal “death” in Colonel Chabert (p. 450).
2. F. Scott Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby	Gatsby’s self-construction is an example of performative identity, similar to how Napoleon III builds legitimacy through historical myth rather than material reality. Gatsby, like Napoleon III, thrives on illusions rather than economic class struggle alone.	Performativity in Politics & Identity: Gatsby’s reinvention aligns with Napoleon III’s use of performative speech to consolidate power (p. 464).
3. George Orwell’s 1984	The Party’s ability to redefine historical truth (e.g., “Oceania has always been at war with Eastasia”) reflects Petrey’s argument that ideological constructs have material force. Just as Chabert’s death becomes reality through bureaucratic records, history in 1984 exists only as the Party narrates it.	Crisis of Representation: Reality is not fixed but is constructed by those in power—an idea central to Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire (p. 452).
4. William Faulkner’s Absalom, Absalom!	The novel’s fragmented narratives and multiple retellings of the Sutpen story illustrate how history is not a single material reality but a contested ideological construct, much like the class struggle in The Eighteenth Brumaire.	Historical Representation as Fictional: History is performative and constructed through ideological framing rather than material facts (p. 464).

Criticism Against “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey

Overemphasis on Ideology at the Expense of Material Reality
- Petrey focuses on how ideology constitutes material reality but downplays the actual economic and class structures that shape social conditions.
- Critics may argue that while representation influences perception, it does not entirely determine material conditions, as Petrey seems to suggest (p. 452).
Neglect of Class Struggle as a Material Force
- Marxist critics may argue that Petrey’s interpretation minimizes the role of actual class struggle in shaping historical events.
- The Eighteenth Brumaire is fundamentally about how economic contradictions create crises, yet Petrey prioritizes its performative aspects over its materialist critique (p. 459).
Limited Engagement with Balzac’s Reactionary Politics
- While Petrey highlights Balzac’s influence on Marx, he does not sufficiently address Balzac’s conservative political stance.
- Balzac was a monarchist who sought to defend the aristocracy, raising questions about how his work aligns with Marxist materialism (p. 450).
Potential Overreading of Theoretical Parallels
- Petrey draws strong connections between Balzac and Marx’s ideas, but some scholars may view this as an overinterpretation.
- The stylistic and thematic similarities between Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire do not necessarily mean that Balzac’s work inherently supports Marxist theory (p. 454).
Insufficient Discussion of Alternative Readings
- The article does not engage deeply with alternative interpretations of The Eighteenth Brumaire or Colonel Chabert that might prioritize economic determinism over performativity.
- Terry Eagleton’s critique, which suggests that Marx’s work maintains a structured class analysis despite its performative elements, is not fully addressed (p. 461).
Reliance on Postmodern Theories Without Acknowledging Their Limitations
- Petrey’s emphasis on performative language and ideological constructs aligns with postmodern thought but is not critically examined in relation to Marxist realism.
- Critics may argue that The Eighteenth Brumaire does not dissolve class structures but rather highlights their contradictions (p. 464).
Lack of Concrete Historical Analysis
- While Petrey examines literary representation, his analysis does not sufficiently engage with historical accounts of the 1848 revolution and Napoleon III’s rise to power.
- The discussion of representation as reality might obscure the material forces that led to the Second Empire’s formation (p. 467).

Representative Quotations from “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey with Explanation

Quotation	Explanation
“Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire undermine the armature of economism, the hierarchical superiority of material reality over ideological concepts. Because both texts represent ideology as a material reality in its own right, they make every hierarchy based on the opposition between matter and ideology untenable.” (p. 448-449)	Petrey argues that both Balzac and Marx challenge deterministic economic interpretations of history. Instead of seeing material forces as the only reality, they show how ideology itself can act as a material force, shaping political and social conditions.
“Men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past. The tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living.” (Marx, qtd. on p. 450)	Petrey emphasizes how Marx borrows Balzac’s imagery to illustrate the oppressive weight of historical precedent. Both The Eighteenth Brumaire and Colonel Chabert depict history as something that constrains individuals rather than liberates them.
“A living man has died if his death certificate is in order, for the fact in itself is nothing. With his name cut away from his self, Chabert has no alternative to letting his self go as well: ‘My name is offensive to me. I’d like not to be myself.'” (p. 457)	Petrey demonstrates how identity is constructed by social and legal recognition rather than personal existence. Chabert, though physically alive, is effectively erased because the state and society have already declared him dead. His personal reality is rendered meaningless without institutional recognition.
“Marx’s identification of men and events as shadows without bodies in no way revokes the Marxist imperative to explain the world men and events produce. All that changes is the form explanation must take.” (p. 455)	Marx recognizes that political events sometimes appear as illusions, disconnected from material forces. However, Petrey clarifies that Marx does not abandon materialism; rather, he modifies it to account for the ideological forces that shape historical realities.
“Bonaparte represents a class, and the most numerous class of French society at that, the small-holding [Parzellen] peasants. In so far as millions of families live under economic conditions of existence that separate their mode of life, their interests, and their culture from those of the other classes, and put them in hostile opposition to the latter, they form a class. In so far as there is merely a local interconnection among these small-holding peasants, and the identity of their interests begets no community, no national bond and no political organization among them, they do not form a class.” (Marx, qtd. on p. 459)	Marx’s paradoxical statement about the French peasantry—who are at once a class and not a class—mirrors the ambiguity in Colonel Chabert. Just as Chabert is both living and dead, the peasantry is a scattered collection of individuals who lack the self-consciousness to form a unified political class.
“The social revolution of the nineteenth century cannot draw its poetry from the past, but only from the future. It cannot begin with itself before it has stripped away all superstition in regard to the past.” (Marx, qtd. on p. 467)	Petrey highlights Marx’s argument that revolutions must reject historical nostalgia. Unlike bourgeois revolutions, which reference past models (e.g., the Roman Republic), a proletarian revolution must create its own new forms of political representation.
“From a speech-act perspective, Mehlman is fully justified to insist with such verve that the text of The Eighteenth Brumaire utterly dissipates the philosopheme of representation. But from the same perspective, Eagleton is correct to refuse out of hand Mehlman’s suggestion that the end of referential representation is the beginning of anarchy.” (p. 464)	Petrey invokes J.L. Austin’s speech-act theory to critique Mehlman’s claim that Marx’s work marks the dissolution of stable meaning. Petrey argues that rather than leading to chaos, the breakdown of traditional representation in The Eighteenth Brumaire actually reveals the power of ideological constructs to produce new realities.
“Napoleon III consolidated his position by making other names change the world despite their ridiculous inability to describe it. At least since Plato, the contrast between shadow and substance has been a dominant Western metaphor for the distinction between reality and illusion at the core of standard materialist analysis. Yet Marx saw the rise of Napoleon III as a reality proceeding from illusion, as humanity and its history transformed by a shadow with no substance behind it.” (p. 456)	Petrey emphasizes that Marx’s theory does not merely contrast illusion with reality but instead recognizes how illusions themselves create new material realities. Napoleon III’s rule, though based on an empty historical myth, became a tangible political force.
“Marxist analysis and the Comédie humaine establish a special meaning for the sociology of literature, a sense in which neither social nor literary realism can be understood apart from the other because each reveals the conditions on which the other depends. Society in Balzacian fiction and fiction in Marxist society are simultaneously imaginary and real.” (p. 468)	In his concluding argument, Petrey asserts that literature and history are mutually reinforcing. Just as Balzac’s fiction captures the realities of class struggle, Marxist theory acknowledges the performative nature of historical representation.
“The peasantry’s class being and Chabert’s death are ideal instances of the reality produced by what Austin named performative speech, which could not be better defined than by recalling the lesson Eagleton drew from Marx, that under certain conditions expression ‘constitutes the very [thing] it signifies.'” (p. 465)	Petrey applies speech-act theory to The Eighteenth Brumaire and Colonel Chabert, arguing that in both cases, ideological and legal declarations do not merely describe reality but actively create it. The peasantry becomes a class because it is represented as one, just as Chabert dies because official documents say so.

“I Don’t Think I’m A Racist”: Critical Race Theory, Teacher Attitudes, And Structural Racism” by Sabina E. Vaught A & Angelina E. Castagno: Summary and Critique

“I Don’t Think I’m A Racist”: Critical Race Theory, Teacher Attitudes, and Structural Racism” by Sabina E. Vaught and Angelina E. Castagno first appeared in Race Ethnicity and Education in July 2008 and was published online by Routledge on June 25, 2008.

Introduction: “I Don’t Think I’m A Racist”: Critical Race Theory, Teacher Attitudes, And Structural Racism” by Sabina E. Vaught A & Angelina E. Castagno

“I Don’t Think I’m A Racist”: Critical Race Theory, Teacher Attitudes, and Structural Racism” by Sabina E. Vaught and Angelina E. Castagno first appeared in Race Ethnicity and Education in July 2008 and was published online by Routledge on June 25, 2008. This article critically examines teacher attitudes toward race, racism, and White privilege within the context of anti-bias in-service teacher trainings in two major urban U.S. school districts. Using the theoretical framework of Critical Race Theory (CRT), the authors explore how teachers, both White and non-White, interpret and respond to discussions on racism, Whiteness as property, and the structural inequities embedded in schooling. The study reveals that many White teachers either rejected the concept of White privilege or reframed it in ways that maintained systemic racial hierarchies, illustrating how racism operates at both individual and institutional levels. The article is significant in the fields of education and literary theory as it contributes to the discourse on how racial ideologies are sustained through everyday teacher attitudes and institutional practices, thereby reinforcing systemic inequities in student achievement. This work aligns with broader CRT scholarship by challenging the notion that racism is solely an individual bias rather than a pervasive structural force. As Vaught and Castagno argue, “the hegemonic, systemic interests of White property permit the co-optation of formal equality into racism. Awareness is collapsed with change. Difference is conflated with deficiency. Equality replaces equity. And, White privilege is countered by Black ‘racism’” (Vaught & Castagno, 2008, p. 109). The findings underscore the necessity for structural transformations in education rather than relying solely on professional development programs that focus on individual awareness without addressing systemic change.

Summary of “I Don’t Think I’m A Racist”: Critical Race Theory, Teacher Attitudes, And Structural Racism” by Sabina E. Vaught A & Angelina E. Castagno

🔹 Critical Race Theory and Structural Racism in Education

The study examines how teacher attitudes towards race and White privilege reflect and reinforce structural racism in two urban school districts.
Critical Race Theory (CRT) is used as the framework, emphasizing that racism is pervasive, systemic, and must be actively challenged (Bell, 1992; Delgado & Stefancic, 2001).
CRT challenges the idea of “colorblindness” and insists that race is a fundamental structure shaping institutions, including schools (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).

🔹 The Concept of “Whiteness as Property”

The authors apply Cheryl Harris’ (1993) concept of “Whiteness as property” to analyze teacher attitudes.
White identity is socially constructed as a property interest that provides unearned advantages, such as the ability to determine social meanings and maintain power.
Teachers’ responses to anti-bias training reflect this property interest, as they redefine racial discussions in ways that protect White privilege.

🔹 Teachers’ Resistance to White Privilege

Many White teachers in the study rejected or minimized the idea of White privilege, arguing that they were not responsible for systemic racial inequities.
Some White teachers equated White privilege with personal guilt rather than a systemic advantage (McIntosh, 1988).
Others dismissed White privilege entirely, claiming it only exists in predominantly White spaces and not in schools where White teachers were the numerical minority.
Teachers frequently expressed defensive reactions, such as:
- “I don’t feel like I’m racist.”
- “Just because I’m White doesn’t mean I benefited from slavery.”
- “White privilege doesn’t exist in my school because most of my students are Black.”

🔹 The Individualization of Racism

Many White teachers reduced racism to personal acts of prejudice, ignoring its structural and institutional nature (Crenshaw, 1995).
The focus on cultural awareness over systemic inequity allowed racism to persist unchallenged in schools.
Teachers struggled to acknowledge how their racial position granted them institutional advantages, even when they had “good intentions.”

🔹 Anti-Bias Training and Its Limitations

The school districts implemented anti-bias training to address racial disparities in student achievement.
However, these trainings focused primarily on raising awareness rather than changing systemic policies or practices.
White teachers often reacted defensively, perceiving the training as a personal attack rather than an opportunity for systemic change.
The authors argue that without structural transformation, awareness alone is insufficient to challenge racism in education.

🔹 The Role of Cultural Awareness vs. Structural Change

Schools often framed racial disparities as cultural misunderstandings rather than issues of power and inequality.
Teachers were encouraged to learn about “diverse cultures” through “culture grams” and “culture capsules” rather than critically examining how race and power shape school policies.
This cultural framework enabled White teachers to avoid discussions of racial power and privilege.

🔹 Backlash and Racialized Resentment

Some White teachers expressed resentment toward the focus on racial equity, feeling that they were being unfairly blamed.
One teacher stated: “Because I look Aryan, I’m treated like a racist when I don’t think I am.”
This reaction highlights how White teachers saw discussions of racism as an attack on their individuality, rather than an examination of systemic power structures.

🔹 The Need for Structural Change

The authors argue that racial equity in education requires systemic transformation, not just individual reflection.
Distributive justice (Harris, 1993) is proposed as a model to shift power dynamics and redistribute educational resources equitably.
Schools must move beyond diversity training to actively challenge racial inequities in funding, curriculum, hiring, and discipline policies.

Conclusion: The Persistence of Structural Racism in Schools

White teachers’ resistance to anti-racism training reflects broader structural barriers to racial equity in education.
Without systemic changes to school policies and power structures, teacher training alone will not close racial achievement gaps.
The study calls for a shift from individual awareness to collective accountability in dismantling racial inequities in education.

Theoretical Terms/Concepts in “I Don’t Think I’m A Racist”: Critical Race Theory, Teacher Attitudes, And Structural Racism” by Sabina E. Vaught A & Angelina E. Castagno

Concept	Definition	Key Scholar(s) Referenced	Application in the Study
Critical Race Theory (CRT)	A theoretical framework that views racism as systemic, permanent, and embedded in institutions. It challenges colorblind ideologies and calls for racial justice.	Bell (1992); Crenshaw et al. (1995); Ladson-Billings & Tate (1995)	Used as the study’s framework to analyze how teacher attitudes reinforce structural racism in education.
Whiteness as Property	The idea that Whiteness functions as a form of property that grants exclusive rights, power, and privilege to White individuals.	Harris (1993)	Teachers resisted acknowledging White privilege because it threatened their social position and control over racial narratives.
White Privilege	The unearned advantages White individuals receive due to their race, often invisible to them but deeply embedded in societal structures.	McIntosh (1988)	Teachers in the study struggled to recognize their privilege and often framed racial discussions as personal attacks.
Individualism	The belief that racism is only about individual prejudice rather than systemic power structures.	Bell (1992); Ladson-Billings (2000)	Teachers defended themselves as “not racist” and failed to acknowledge structural inequities.
Colorblind Ideology	The idea that ignoring race leads to equality, which in reality reinforces systemic racism.	Bonilla-Silva (2003)	Teachers dismissed racial disparities in education by denying the role of race in student achievement gaps.
Interest Convergence	The notion that racial progress only occurs when it benefits White people.	Bell (1987)	Diversity trainings were implemented due to external pressures, rather than a true commitment to racial justice.
Defensive Whiteness	A reaction in which White individuals resist racial discussions because they feel blamed or attacked.	Gallagher (1997); Ross (1997)	Many teachers responded to training with resentment, feeling unfairly accused of racism.
Structural Racism	Racism that is built into policies, institutions, and practices, rather than just individual bias.	Crenshaw (1995); Gillborn (2005)	The study highlights how schools reproduce racial disparities through discipline policies, funding, and curriculum.
Cultural Deficit Model	The belief that racial disparities exist because students of color lack cultural or educational values, rather than systemic oppression.	Sleeter & Grant (2003)	Teachers framed racial achievement gaps as “cultural misunderstandings” rather than systemic inequalities.
Formal Equality vs. Equity	Formal equality focuses on treating everyone the same, while equity ensures fair distribution of resources based on need.	Harris (1993)	Schools emphasized diversity awareness without changing policies that reinforced racial inequities.
Distributive Justice	A concept advocating for the redistribution of opportunities and resources to correct racial inequities.	Harris (1993)	Suggested as a solution to address racial achievement gaps, instead of relying on individual awareness training.
Legitimation of Whiteness	The process by which institutions maintain racial hierarchies while appearing neutral or fair.	Guinier (2004)	The study shows how schools framed equity efforts as “diversity training” while avoiding systemic reform.
Racialized Backlash	The reaction where White individuals respond defensively to racial justice efforts, often by claiming reverse racism.	Kincheloe & Steinberg (1998)	Some White teachers claimed they were being discriminated against in diversity trainings.

Contribution of “I Don’t Think I’m A Racist”: Critical Race Theory, Teacher Attitudes, And Structural Racism” by Sabina E. Vaught A & Angelina E. Castagno to Literary Theory/Theories

🔹 Critical Race Theory (CRT)

Extends CRT to Teacher Training and Attitudes in Schools
- The article applies CRT beyond legal studies by examining how teachers’ racial attitudes reinforce structural racism in education (Vaught & Castagno, 2008, p. 95).
- It argues that racism is not just an individual bias but an entrenched system that shapes educational institutions (p. 97).
Demonstrates Whiteness as Property in Educational Spaces
- The study employs Harris’ (1993) theory of “Whiteness as Property” to explain how teachers resist acknowledging White privilege to maintain their power over racial narratives (p. 99).
- It illustrates how Whiteness is protected through institutional practices like colorblind policies and cultural awareness training without structural reform (p. 101).
Challenges the Effectiveness of Diversity Training in Combating Racism
- The study critiques how anti-racist teacher training often reinforces, rather than dismantles, systemic racism by focusing on individual awareness instead of institutional change (p. 110).
- It argues for structural interventions rather than relying on White teachers’ willingness to self-reflect (p. 111).

🔹 Whiteness Studies & Postcolonial Theory

Interrogates the Construction of White Identity as Neutral and Invisible
- The article exposes how White teachers frame themselves as “neutral” individuals while racializing students of color as collective cultural groups (p. 105).
- It aligns with Bonilla-Silva’s (2003) concept of colorblind racism, where Whiteness is positioned as the default identity (p. 108).
Highlights the Power of White Narratives in Controlling Racial Discourse
- The study demonstrates how White teachers use their power to redefine the meaning of race and racism within the school system (p. 102).
- It supports Gramsci’s (1971) theory of hegemony by showing how dominant racial ideologies are maintained through everyday discourse (p. 109).
Links Institutional Racism to Colonial Legacies in Education
- The findings parallel postcolonial critiques of Western education, where racialized knowledge production reinforces White supremacy (p. 113).
- The authors call for “distributive justice” (Harris, 1993) as a necessary corrective measure to counter the historical accumulation of White privilege (p. 112).

🔹 Structuralism & Poststructuralism

Reveals the Structural Nature of Racism in Schools
- The study argues against viewing racism as a series of isolated incidents and instead emphasizes the structural and systemic nature of racial inequities in education (p. 107).
- Aligns with Foucault’s (1977) theory of power and knowledge, showing how schools perpetuate racial hierarchies through policies, training programs, and teacher attitudes (p. 109).
Deconstructs Individualism as a Myth in Racism Discourse
- The authors challenge the individualistic narratives of White teachers, who frame racism as personal bias rather than structural injustice (p. 106).
- This critique supports Derrida’s (1967) deconstruction theory, illustrating how individualism serves as a discursive strategy to obscure collective White privilege (p. 108).

🔹 Marxist Literary Theory

Exposes Education as a Reproductive Mechanism for White Supremacy
- The article examines how race and class intersect in the education system, showing that schools are not neutral institutions but rather spaces that perpetuate existing racial power structures (p. 111).
- Reflects Althusser’s (1971) concept of ideological state apparatuses, where schools function to reproduce dominant ideologies rather than challenge them (p. 113).
Critiques False Consciousness in Racial Narratives
- Teachers in the study internalize false narratives of racial equality while failing to recognize their own racial power (p. 109).
- This aligns with Marxist critiques of ideology, illustrating how White teachers uphold systemic inequities even when they claim to support racial justice (p. 110).

🔹 Feminist Theory & Intersectionality

Analyzes Gendered and Racialized Experiences in Education
- While the study focuses primarily on race, it also highlights the gendered dynamics of teacher attitudes in discussions of authority and power (p. 105).
- It contributes to Black feminist thought (Collins, 1990) by recognizing how educational inequities affect students and teachers of color differently based on intersecting identities (p. 112).
Connects Intersectionality to Institutional Racism in Schools
- The study reinforces Crenshaw’s (1989) intersectionality framework by demonstrating how teachers’ racial attitudes are shaped by their positionality within multiple systems of power (p. 111).

🔹 Educational Theory & Pedagogy

Challenges Multicultural Education as a Surface-Level Solution
- The study critiques how multicultural education policies often focus on “cultural difference” rather than structural inequality (p. 107).
- Supports Ladson-Billings’ (1995) call for culturally relevant pedagogy, which argues that schools need to go beyond diversity training and actively dismantle racist policies (p. 112).
Calls for a Shift from Individual Awareness to Structural Change in Schools
- The article argues that teacher training should not just raise awareness but also equip educators with tools to challenge systemic inequities (p. 113).
- It emphasizes the role of educational institutions in reinforcing racial privilege and advocates for policy changes that promote equity (p. 112).

🔹 Conclusion: Expanding Theoretical Discussions on Race & Education

The article by Vaught & Castagno (2008) makes significant theoretical contributions by:

Bridging Critical Race Theory with educational studies to analyze racial inequities in schools.
Demonstrating how Whiteness as property operates within educational institutions to maintain racial hierarchies.
Critiquing diversity training as an ineffective solution that fails to address structural racism.
Extending Marxist and Poststructuralist critiques to show how race, power, and ideology shape teacher attitudes.
Calling for an intersectional and systemic approach to dismantling educational inequalities.

Examples of Critiques Through “I Don’t Think I’m A Racist”: Critical Race Theory, Teacher Attitudes, And Structural Racism” by Sabina E. Vaught A & Angelina E. Castagno

Literary Work	Critique Through Vaught & Castagno’s Analysis	Key Theoretical Connection
1. “To Kill a Mockingbird” (Harper Lee)	The novel portrays Atticus Finch as a White savior and reinforces individualistic views of racism, rather than addressing systemic racial injustice. Vaught & Castagno critique how teachers frame racism as individual bias rather than structural oppression, a problem evident in how the novel treats justice as a moral issue rather than an institutional failure (p. 99-101).	Critical Race Theory (CRT) – Racism as a pervasive, systemic issue, not just an individual moral failing. Whiteness as Property – Atticus’ role reinforces White authority over racial justice (p. 102).
2. “Heart of Darkness” (Joseph Conrad)	The novel reinforces colonial narratives where Whiteness represents civilization, and African characters remain dehumanized and voiceless. Vaught & Castagno’s critique of how teachers essentialize “cultural awareness” without addressing power structures applies here, as the novel presents Africa as an uncivilized backdrop rather than a space of legitimate cultural agency (p. 107-109).	Postcolonial Theory – White power determines meaning, paralleling teachers’ control over racial discourse (p. 102). Whiteness as Property – The novel treats Africa as an object of European ownership (p. 1762).
3. “The Great Gatsby” (F. Scott Fitzgerald)	The novel ignores systemic racial inequities by portraying the American Dream as universally achievable, even as race and class exclusions remain unspoken. Vaught & Castagno’s critique of Whiteness as Property (p. 106-108) is relevant, as Gatsby’s tragedy is framed as an individual moral failure rather than a reflection of the racialized class system that benefits characters like Tom Buchanan.	Marxist & CRT Critique – The novel erases racialized class struggles, reinforcing White privilege as the unspoken foundation of economic success (p. 109).
4. “Huckleberry Finn” (Mark Twain)	While often praised for its critique of slavery, the novel still reinforces White paternalism by centering Huck’s moral growth rather than Jim’s agency. Vaught & Castagno’s critique of “White innocence” in teacher narratives (p. 108) applies here, as the novel allows Huck to develop empathy without challenging the larger racial power structures.	Critical Race Theory & Whiteness Studies – The novel positions Huck as the agent of change while Jim remains a passive recipient of White morality (p. 105).

Criticism Against “I Don’t Think I’m A Racist”: Critical Race Theory, Teacher Attitudes, And Structural Racism” by Sabina E. Vaught A & Angelina E. Castagno

1. Overemphasis on Structural Determinism

The article frames racism as an inescapable structural force, potentially diminishing individual agency and personal responsibility in challenging racism.
Some scholars argue that CRT’s emphasis on systemic racism can lead to fatalism, implying that no real change is possible within existing institutions (Vaught & Castagno, p. 99-100).

2. Lack of Attention to Nuances in White Teacher Reactions

The study categorizes many White teachers as defensive or resistant without fully exploring how some may genuinely engage with anti-racist learning.
Teachers who attempt to change but struggle with new racial frameworks are sometimes lumped in with outright deniers of White privilege (p. 108-109).

3. Limited Discussion on Alternative Approaches to Anti-Racist Education

While the article critiques teacher trainings as insufficient, it does not fully explore other models of effective anti-racist professional development.
More discussion on practical policy solutions within educational institutions could strengthen the study’s applicability (p. 111-112).

4. Reliance on Whiteness as Property Without Alternative Theoretical Considerations

The study relies heavily on Cheryl Harris’ (1993) concept of “Whiteness as Property”, potentially neglecting other theoretical frameworks that could add depth.
Concepts from intersectionality, class analysis, or decoloniality could provide a more multidimensional analysis of race, privilege, and power in schools (p. 102-103).

5. Generalization of White Teacher Perspectives

The analysis risks overgeneralizing White teachers as resistant to change, without fully considering how some teachers of color may also struggle with internalized racism or neoliberal multiculturalism.
The argument that White teachers uniformly fail to recognize structural racism (p. 100-101) might not account for regional, personal, and institutional differences in anti-racist attitudes.

6. Absence of Student Voices and Perspectives

The study primarily focuses on teacher and administrator responses, but lacks input from students, particularly students of color who experience racism in schools.
Understanding how students interpret teachers’ racial attitudes could add another layer of critical insight (p. 107).

7. Potentially Polarizing Framing of White Teachers

Some critics may argue that the framing of White teachers in the study positions them as inherently complicit in systemic racism, which could alienate potential allies in anti-racist education.
Encouraging a collaborative rather than confrontational approach to teacher training might yield more productive long-term outcomes (p. 110-111).

8. Insufficient Engagement with Historical Changes in Education Policy

While the article critiques current anti-bias training models, it does not provide much historical context on how educational institutions have evolved in their treatment of race.
Comparing past and present racial equity efforts might highlight progress and limitations more effectively (p. 104).

9. Limited Discussion of Non-White Teacher Perspectives on Racism

The study focuses on White teacher attitudes but does not deeply engage with how teachers of color navigate structural racism within schools.
A broader racialized teacher perspective could provide a more complete understanding of how racism operates in educational settings (p. 106).

Representative Quotations from “I Don’t Think I’m A Racist”: Critical Race Theory, Teacher Attitudes, And Structural Racism” by Sabina E. Vaught A & Angelina E. Castagno with Explanation

Quotation	Explanation
“I don’t think I’m a racist.”	This phrase, echoed by many White teachers in the study, highlights racial defensiveness and a misunderstanding of systemic racism. The authors argue that racism is structural, not just an individual belief or attitude.
“White privilege is being able to go into a restaurant … and not even care who’s in the restaurant cause you know nobody’s gonna be attacking your race.”	This teacher provides a superficial understanding of White privilege, limiting it to freedom from racial harassment rather than recognizing the structural advantages afforded to White individuals.
“That wasn’t the point… it’s the point that you have to understand that is how some people feel.”	This quote illustrates White teachers’ resistance to discussions of privilege, seeing racism as a matter of perception rather than structural reality.
“Absolutely not … if I discipline a student, and they know it’s [me], if [I] had Black skin they would just say, okay, this is correct. [I don’t] have Black skin, so they wonder what went on.”	This response denies White privilege by arguing that White teachers face more scrutiny than their Black counterparts, ignoring the institutional power dynamics that disproportionately affect students of color.
“Because one of the great cop-outs when you’re in a setting like this [training] is anything that I do to you is based on race, even if it isn’t.”	Some White teachers dismiss racial concerns as exaggerated and fail to recognize how subtle, systemic biases reinforce racial hierarchies in schools.
“I mean I noticed a lot of, well, I mean, a lot of our teachers here are Caucasian. Um, they were very resistant to some of the ah, I can’t remember what it was called. They were offended by ah, I think it was White privilege.”	This quote highlights White teachers’ discomfort with acknowledging their racial privilege, reflecting resistance to anti-racist education.
“We want to eliminate the gap, but you want to displace the students who are entrapped in the gap?”	A Black principal critiques the contradictions in education policy, where efforts to close the racial achievement gap often fail to address systemic inequities affecting students of color.
“The structural force of racism obviates the possibility that individual training alone could remedy the racialized achievement gap.”	The authors argue that professional development alone is insufficient to address racial inequities in schools; structural changes are necessary.
“And, you can’t take equality and make things equal, because they’re not equal. They never have been equal. They’re not equal now.”	This quote challenges the idea of colorblind equality, emphasizing that historical and ongoing racial inequalities require active interventions.
“Awareness did not lead to empathy amongst teachers, but resulted instead in a reinvention of meaning that reified existing, culturally constructed, racist frameworks.”	The authors critique awareness-based training, arguing that it often fails to create meaningful change and instead reinforces racial biases in new forms.

Introduction: “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew

Summary of “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew

Key Takeaways

Theoretical Terms/Concepts in “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew

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Criticism Against “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew

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Introduction: “Can the Cosmopolitan Writer Be Absolved of Racism?” by Andew C. Long

Summary of “Can the Cosmopolitan Writer Be Absolved of Racism?” by Andew C. Long

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Introduction: “Linguistic Racism” by Michael Cohn

Summary of “Linguistic Racism” by Michael Cohn

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Introduction: “Is It Racism?” by Håkan Jönson

Summary of “Is It Racism?” by Håkan Jönson

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Introduction: “Lacan and Race” by Azeen Khan

Summary of “Lacan and Race” by Azeen Khan

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Introduction: “Implicit Racism” by Sara Ann Ketchum And Christine Pierce

Summary of “Implicit Racism” by Sara Ann Ketchum And Christine Pierce

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Introduction: “Exploring Victorian Travel Literature: Disease, Race And Climate” by Emilie Taylor-Brown

Summary of “Exploring Victorian Travel Literature: Disease, Race And Climate” by Emilie Taylor-Brown

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Introduction: “Casual Racism In Victorian Literature” by Carolyn Betensky

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Introduction: “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey

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Introduction: “I Don’t Think I’m A Racist”: Critical Race Theory, Teacher Attitudes, And Structural Racism” by Sabina E. Vaught A & Angelina E. Castagno

Summary of “I Don’t Think I’m A Racist”: Critical Race Theory, Teacher Attitudes, And Structural Racism” by Sabina E. Vaught A & Angelina E. Castagno

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