Introduction: “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew
“Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew first appeared in the Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race in 2009 as part of the broader scholarly discussion on race and politics. This article critically examines the notion that Barack Obama’s election as the first African American president signified a “post-racial” America. Pettigrew challenges the idea that racism had diminished significantly, arguing instead that Obama’s victory resulted from a “perfect storm” of political conditions rather than a fundamental transformation in racial attitudes. The article highlights the persistence of racial prejudice, as demonstrated by white Southern and older voters’ reluctance to support Obama, and emphasizes the role of increased voter turnout among young and minority populations. In literary theory and political discourse, this work contributes to critical race studies by interrogating the narrative of progress often imposed on racial history. By exposing logical fallacies in post-racial arguments and using empirical data to reveal the complexities of racial attitudes, Pettigrew’s analysis aligns with scholarship that critiques optimistic yet superficial claims of racial equality. As referenced in the State of the Discipline, this article serves as an essential text in the study of race relations, political behavior, and the enduring structures of systemic inequality in the United States.
Summary of “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew
- The Myth of Post-Racism
- Pettigrew critiques the claim that Obama’s election signifies the end of racism in the U.S.
- He argues that such views are overly optimistic and overlook systemic racial disparities (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 279).
- The desire to declare racism as “solved” is an extension of historical tendencies to prematurely celebrate racial progress (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280).
- The “Perfect Storm” That Led to Obama’s Victory
- Obama’s election was made possible by a unique confluence of events, not necessarily a shift in racial attitudes.
- Factors included:
- A well-run campaign
- Economic downturn
- Declining popularity of the Republican Party under George W. Bush
- A highly favorable political climate (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280).
- Obama benefited from previous Black political progress and demographic shifts (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 281).
- Racist Voters Still Supported Obama
- Some white bigots voted for Obama due to the economic crisis, demonstrating that racial prejudice and voting decisions do not always align (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 282).
- A survey found that 33% of white Democrats held negative racial stereotypes, yet 58% of them still voted for Obama (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 283).
- Racism remained evident in other aspects, such as opposition to affirmative action and racially motivated legislative measures (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284).
- Logical Fallacies in the Post-Racism Argument
- The ecological fallacy: Inferring individual racial attitudes from aggregate voting patterns is misleading (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284).
- The constant turnout composition fallacy: The assumption that the electorate remained the same as in 2004 is false; there was a significant increase in young, minority, and independent voters (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 285).
- Obama’s slight improvement over Kerry’s white vote share (43% vs. 41%) does not indicate a racial transformation (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 285).
- Racist Attitudes and Actions Persisted During the Campaign
- Throughout Obama’s campaign, racist incidents were frequent:
- Cross-burnings, threats, and racist graffiti (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 286).
- Students chanting “assassinate Obama” on a school bus in Idaho (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 286).
- A Republican club issuing fake $10 bills featuring Obama alongside a watermelon, ribs, and fried chicken (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).
- High-profile figures, including Hillary Clinton’s campaign surrogates, played the “race card” by spreading rumors about Obama’s background (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).
- Throughout Obama’s campaign, racist incidents were frequent:
- White Southern and Elderly Voters Demonstrated Continued Racism
- Older white voters (65+) were the only age group to vote more Republican in 2008 than in 2004 (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).
- White support for Obama decreased in certain Southern states like Alabama and Mississippi (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 288).
- These trends contradict claims that Obama’s election erased racial divisions (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 289).
- The Role of Increased Minority and Youth Turnout
- Key voter demographics:
- Black voter turnout increased from 11% in 2004 to 13% in 2008.
- Latino turnout increased from 6% to 8%, with 66% supporting Obama (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 289).
- The under-30 vote shifted significantly toward Obama, showing a generational difference in racial attitudes (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 289).
- Key voter demographics:
- Structural Racism Persists Despite Obama’s Victory
- Obama’s election does not eliminate systemic racism in housing, employment, education, and criminal justice (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290).
- “The basic problems are structural—rampant housing segregation, poverty, job discrimination, poor education, massive imprisonment” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290).
- Institutional racism remains embedded in American society and requires more than symbolic victories to overcome (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
- Concluding Thoughts: A Step Forward, Not the End of Racism
- Obama’s presidency represents progress but not the end of racial discrimination (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
- “We are no longer ‘two nations,’ but neither are we a single, non-racialized nation” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
- The fight for racial equality continues beyond the symbolic victory of a Black president (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 292).
Key Takeaways
- Obama’s election was historic but did not signal a “post-racial” America.
- Many white voters, including bigots, supported him for reasons unrelated to racial progress.
- Logical fallacies distort the perception that racism has significantly declined.
- Racist incidents and systemic inequalities persist.
- Future progress in race relations depends on structural changes, not just symbolic victories.
Theoretical Terms/Concepts in “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew
| Theoretical Term/Concept | Definition | Application in Pettigrew’s Argument |
| Post-Racism | The belief that racism has significantly declined or ended, particularly after Obama’s election. | Pettigrew critiques this notion, arguing that systemic racism persists despite Obama’s victory (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 279). |
| Ecological Fallacy | A logical error where conclusions about individuals are drawn from macro-level data. | Pettigrew points out that voting patterns cannot accurately determine individual racial attitudes (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284). |
| Constant Turnout Composition Fallacy | The assumption that the electorate remains unchanged between elections. | Pettigrew argues that shifts in voter demographics, rather than a reduction in racism, contributed to Obama’s win (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 285). |
| Symbolic Racism | A form of racism that is more subtle and indirect, based on the belief that minorities violate traditional values. | Pettigrew suggests that many white voters who supported Obama still held negative stereotypes about Black people (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 283). |
| Blaming the Victim | The tendency to attribute structural inequalities to the perceived shortcomings of marginalized groups. | Pettigrew highlights how many Americans believe racial equality has already been achieved and hold Black communities responsible for ongoing disparities (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280). |
| Racial Coding | The use of seemingly neutral language to convey racial messages. | Campaign attacks against Obama, such as calling him “elitist” or “not one of us,” were racially coded (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287). |
| Deracialization | A political strategy in which Black candidates avoid direct discussions of race to appeal to white voters. | Obama largely avoided racial issues except when necessary, such as in his Philadelphia speech (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284). |
| Implicit Bias | Unconscious racial prejudices that affect behavior and decision-making. | Many voters may have unconsciously applied racial biases while still voting for Obama (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 283). |
| Structural Racism | Systemic inequalities embedded in institutions and policies. | Pettigrew argues that racial disparities in housing, employment, and education remain significant (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290). |
| Generational Political Socialization | The idea that major political events shape the attitudes of specific age groups. | Younger voters, shaped by Obama’s election, may maintain progressive racial attitudes in the long term (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 289). |
Contribution of “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew to Literary Theory/Theories
1. Critical Race Theory (CRT)
- CRT argues that racism is not an anomaly but a deeply embedded structure within society.
- Pettigrew challenges the “post-racism” narrative, emphasizing that racism remains a systemic issue despite Obama’s election (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 279).
- He highlights structural barriers such as housing segregation, economic inequality, and the criminal justice system that continue to disadvantage Black Americans (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290).
- The concept of “blaming the victim” (Ryan, 1976) is used to explain how racial inequalities are justified by attributing them to Black individuals rather than structural forces (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280).
2. Postcolonial Theory
- Postcolonial theory critiques how race and identity are constructed through historical power dynamics.
- Pettigrew deconstructs the celebratory discourse around Obama’s election, arguing that it masks continued racial oppression (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
- He examines how media and political narratives shape racial identities, particularly in how Obama was framed as “non-threatening” to white voters (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284).
- The “racial coding” of political attacks against Obama—such as being labeled “elitist” or “not one of us”—mirrors colonialist strategies of othering racialized individuals (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).
3. Ideological State Apparatus (Althusserian Theory)
- Louis Althusser’s concept of Ideological State Apparatuses (ISAs) explains how institutions like the media, politics, and education shape ideological beliefs.
- Pettigrew critiques the media’s role in reinforcing the myth of a post-racial America, especially through journalists like John Tierney, who dismissed racism as a declining phenomenon (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280).
- He demonstrates how political discourse, shaped by dominant ideologies, minimizes systemic racism while amplifying individual success stories to suggest racial progress (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 279).
- The fallacies underlying the post-racial argument are ideologically constructed to maintain white privilege by falsely portraying racial justice as achieved (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 285).
4. Narrative Theory (Meta-Narratives and Counter-Narratives)
- Pettigrew deconstructs the meta-narrative that Obama’s election represents racial progress and the fulfillment of American ideals of equality (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 279).
- He presents a counter-narrative that exposes the persistence of racism, as seen in the backlash against Obama, racist campaign rhetoric, and declining white support in Southern states (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).
- This aligns with literary studies on how narratives shape historical memory and political consciousness.
- New Historicism argues that literary and cultural texts must be analyzed within their historical and sociopolitical contexts.
- Pettigrew situates Obama’s election within the broader history of American race relations, linking it to the long struggle for Black political representation since the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280).
- He refutes the idea that history moves in a linear progression toward racial equality, demonstrating instead how historical inequalities persist despite symbolic victories (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
- His discussion of white Southern resistance to Obama reflects the enduring legacies of segregationist politics (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).
6. Structuralism and Semiotics
- Structuralism examines how meaning is created through systems of signs and language.
- Pettigrew identifies racial coding in political discourse, such as how words like “elitist” or “unpatriotic” carry racialized meanings when applied to Obama (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287).
- He shows how white voters rationalized their support for Obama by emphasizing his light skin tone, biracial identity, and non-threatening demeanor, which semiotically distanced him from Black stereotypes (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284).
- This aligns with semiotic theories that analyze how language and symbols reinforce power structures.
7. Cultural Studies and Media Theory
- Pettigrew examines how media narratives constructed the myth of post-racism while simultaneously amplifying racist tropes against Obama (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280).
- He critiques the media’s selective framing, such as focusing on racial progress while ignoring structural injustices (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
- His analysis contributes to cultural studies by revealing how political campaigns, media discourse, and public perceptions interact to shape racial ideologies.
Conclusion: The Article’s Theoretical Contributions
Pettigrew’s work contributes significantly to literary theory and cultural criticism by:
- Challenging dominant racial narratives and exposing ideological distortions.
- Providing a critical race analysis of how media and political rhetoric obscure systemic racism.
- Offering a counter-narrative to the simplistic idea that racial representation equals racial justice.
- Integrating historical, structuralist, and semiotic approaches to analyze the election’s symbolic and material impact.
Examples of Critiques Through “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew
| Literary Work | Key Themes | Critique Through Pettigrew’s Perspective |
| 1. To Kill a Mockingbird (Harper Lee, 1960) | Racial injustice, moral growth, and the legal system’s failure to uphold racial equality. | Pettigrew’s critique of the post-racism narrative aligns with how the novel exposes structural racism in the legal system. Just as Obama’s election did not erase racism, Atticus Finch’s legal defense of Tom Robinson does not dismantle the deeply ingrained racial prejudices of Maycomb (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290). |
| 2. The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald, 1925) | The American Dream, class struggle, and racial anxieties in 1920s America. | Pettigrew’s discussion of racial coding in political discourse (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 287) applies to Fitzgerald’s portrayal of Tom Buchanan’s fear of racial “degeneration.” The novel critiques the myth of the American Dream, much like Pettigrew critiques the post-racial myth by revealing the persistent inequalities beneath the surface of success (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291). |
| 3. Beloved (Toni Morrison, 1987) | The psychological trauma of slavery, memory, and historical erasure. | Pettigrew highlights the danger of premature historical closure in racial discourse (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 279). Just as Obama’s victory did not signify the end of racism, Morrison’s novel argues that the traumas of slavery are not erased but continue to haunt generations (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291). The desire to forget the past mirrors the push for a post-racial America that ignores structural racism. |
| 4. Invisible Man (Ralph Ellison, 1952) | Racial identity, invisibility, and systemic oppression. | Pettigrew’s concept of deracialization in Obama’s campaign (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284) parallels the protagonist’s realization that racial invisibility is a survival mechanism in a racist society. The novel critiques the illusion of racial progress, much like Pettigrew argues that Obama’s election did not dismantle racial hierarchies (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290). |
Criticism Against “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew
- Overemphasis on Structural Racism Without Recognizing Individual Agency
- Pettigrew focuses heavily on systemic barriers but underplays the role of individual actions in combating racism.
- Critics may argue that while systemic racism persists, Obama’s presidency did signal progress in racial representation and leadership (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
- Dismissal of the Symbolic Importance of Obama’s Election
- While Pettigrew critiques the “post-racism” narrative, he may downplay the psychological and cultural significance of a Black president for African Americans and other minority groups.
- Representation in leadership can have real-world implications for racial perceptions, even if structural inequalities remain (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 291).
- Neglect of Counterarguments from Optimistic Scholars
- Pettigrew largely critiques post-racial advocates like John Tierney but does not engage deeply with scholars who acknowledge both racial progress and ongoing struggles.
- His critique could be more balanced by discussing theories of incremental racial progress rather than suggesting that racism remains entirely unchanged (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290).
- Limited Consideration of Global and Comparative Perspectives
- The analysis is centered on American race relations without broader comparisons to racial dynamics in other countries.
- Pettigrew references Black European reactions to Obama’s win (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 289) but does not analyze how racial politics in other democracies might provide comparative insights.
- Reliance on Quantitative Voting Data Without Nuanced Qualitative Analysis
- While Pettigrew uses exit-poll data to show that white support for Obama was not necessarily indicative of racial progress (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 283), some critics argue that surveys do not capture changing racial attitudes in personal and professional spaces.
- A more qualitative approach—such as interviews or discourse analysis—could provide deeper insight into shifting racial dynamics beyond voting patterns.
- Potential Political Bias
- Pettigrew critiques conservative narratives about post-racism but does not critically analyze how liberal political discourse may also contribute to performative racial progress rather than substantive change.
- The Democratic Party’s role in perpetuating racial inequalities (e.g., mass incarceration policies under Clinton) is not extensively discussed.
- Underestimation of Racial Progress Among Younger Generations
- The argument that racism remains largely intact may not fully account for the generational shift toward greater racial acceptance among younger Americans (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 289).
- Younger voters showed significantly higher levels of support for Obama, which could indicate meaningful racial progress rather than just a political alignment shift.
- Rigid Binary Between Racist and Non-Racist Voters
- Pettigrew highlights that many bigoted white voters still supported Obama (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 283), but this may oversimplify the complexities of racial attitudes.
- Many voters may hold contradictory racial beliefs, where they acknowledge systemic racism but also support policies that perpetuate inequality.
Representative Quotations from “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew with Explanation
| Quotation | Explanation |
| “It took ‘a perfect storm’ of interlocking factors to elect Obama.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 280) | Pettigrew argues that Obama’s victory was not merely a result of racial progress but was influenced by a combination of factors such as a weak Republican opponent, economic crises, and his own charisma and campaign strategy. |
| “Many White bigots actually voted for Obama.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 282) | He challenges the assumption that voting for a Black candidate proves the absence of racism. Some voters, despite holding prejudiced beliefs, still chose Obama due to economic concerns and other priorities. |
| “Racist attitudes and actions repeatedly erupted during both the primary and final campaigns.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 285) | Pettigrew points out that despite claims of a “post-racial” America, racial prejudice was evident in campaign rhetoric, media representations, and acts of racial violence during the election season. |
| “The post-racism thesis suffers from two logical and interrelated fallacies: the ecological fallacy and the constant turnout composition fallacy.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 284) | He critiques the idea that Obama’s victory signifies racial progress, arguing that broad assumptions about racism’s decline are flawed because voter demographics changed significantly between 2004 and 2008. |
| “Whites older than sixty-four years were the only age group to vote more Republican than in 2004.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 286) | This statistic is used to show how older white Americans resisted racial change, contradicting the idea that Obama’s election represented a universal racial transformation. |
| “Obama’s decisive victory marks a momentous milestone in the history of America’s most persistent domestic problem.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290) | Despite his criticism of the “post-racism” claim, Pettigrew acknowledges the historical significance of Obama’s presidency as a major racial milestone. |
| “You can’t look at that swath of hard-red states that actually grew even redder and say that we are post-racial.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 286) | He refutes the idea of a post-racial society by highlighting that several Southern states actually became more conservative and less supportive of racial progress. |
| “To answer Tierney’s provocative question—‘where have all the bigots gone?’—we can definitively say they have not disappeared.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 289) | Pettigrew directly counters John Tierney’s claim that racism had largely vanished after Obama’s election, emphasizing that prejudices remain deeply embedded in American society. |
| “The American presidency is powerful, but it has its definite limits.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290) | He tempers expectations about Obama’s ability to single-handedly dismantle systemic racism, citing economic, political, and judicial constraints. |
| “We are no longer ‘two nations,’ but neither are we a one, non-racialized nation.” (Pettigrew, 2009, p. 290) | Pettigrew encapsulates his argument by asserting that while progress has been made, racial divisions in America still persist and require continued attention. |
Suggested Readings: “Post-Racism? Putting President Obama’s Victory In Perspective” by Thomas F. Pettigrew
- Pettigrew, Thomas F. “POST-RACISM?: Putting President Obama’s Victory in Perspective1.” Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 6.2 (2009): 279-292.
- TUCH, STEVEN A., and MICHAEL HUGHES. “Whites’ Racial Policy Attitudes in the Twenty-First Century: The Continuing Significance of Racial Resentment.” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 634, 2011, pp. 134–52. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/29779399. Accessed 13 Mar. 2025.
- Love, Bettina L., and Brandelyn Tosolt. “Reality or Rhetoric? Barack Obama and Post-Racial America.” Race, Gender & Class, vol. 17, no. 3/4, 2010, pp. 19–37. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41674749. Accessed 13 Mar. 2025.
- López, Ian F. Haney. “Post-Racial Racism: Racial Stratification and Mass Incarceration in the Age of Obama.” California Law Review, vol. 98, no. 3, 2010, pp. 1023–74. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27896699. Accessed 13 Mar. 2025.