
Introduction: “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey
“The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey first appeared in Critical Inquiry (Vol. 14, No. 3) in the Spring of 1988, published by The University of Chicago Press. This article examines the complex interrelationship between literature and Marxist theory through the lens of Balzac’s Colonel Chabert and Marx’s The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. Petrey’s central argument is that both texts challenge the conventional Marxist concept of economism—the idea that economic structures solely determine social reality. Instead, these works demonstrate how ideology itself has a material presence that shapes historical and individual existence. Petrey highlights how Balzac’s Colonel Chabert, a novel about a Napoleonic officer who returns from the dead only to find himself erased by legal and social institutions, parallels Marx’s analysis of history as a site of repetition and ideological entrapment. The shared imagery between Balzac and Marx, particularly the motif of history weighing upon the present like a nightmare, underscores the instability of representation and the intricate interplay between ideology and reality. The article’s significance in literary theory lies in its reevaluation of realism—not as a transparent reflection of material conditions but as an active force in shaping those conditions. By reading Balzac’s novel through a Marxist lens and vice versa, Petrey illustrates how literature and ideology mutually construct historical meaning, making the study of representation essential for understanding both literary realism and political history.
Summary of “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey
1. The Intertextual Connection Between Marx and Balzac
- Marx and Engels highly valued Balzac’s depiction of French society, with Engels stating that Comédie humaine taught him more than historians and economists of the time (Petrey, 1988, p. 448).
- Marx intended to write a study of Balzac, highlighting the deep connection between literature and socio-political analysis (p. 448).
- Petrey explores how Balzac’s Colonel Chabert and Marx’s The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte share a common vision of history and representation.
2. Challenging Economism: The Limits of Base-Superstructure Theory
- Traditional Marxist thought emphasizes economic determinism, where material conditions dictate ideological and political structures.
- Petrey argues that both Balzac and Marx reject a simplistic economic model, instead depicting ideology as an independent material force (p. 449).
- Both authors reveal that social reality is not merely a reflection of economic forces but is shaped by representation and ideology.
3. The Weight of Ideology: History as a Nightmare
- Both Balzac and Marx describe ideology as an oppressive weight on individuals and societies.
- In Colonel Chabert, Chabert experiences the weight of social and legal institutions pressing down on him “like a nightmare” (p. 450).
- Marx echoes this in The Eighteenth Brumaire, writing that “the tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living” (p. 450).
- This shared imagery suggests that history does not progress linearly but instead haunts the present, shaping and distorting political action.
4. Crisis of Representation: Identity and Politics in Flux
- In Colonel Chabert, Chabert’s physical existence is undeniable, but because society has declared him dead, his identity is erased (p. 452).
- Similarly, in The Eighteenth Brumaire, the class struggle exists but fails to manifest politically, leading to a political void (p. 457).
- Both texts highlight the failure of representation: economic and social realities do not always translate into political recognition.
5. The Rupture Between Sign and Reality
- Petrey examines how Marx and Balzac dismantle the idea that words and symbols reliably reflect reality.
- Marx describes Napoleon III’s supporters with a chaotic list of labels: “swindlers, mountebanks, pickpockets, tricksters” (p. 451), showing that political legitimacy is constructed rather than inherent.
- Similarly, in Colonel Chabert, Chabert’s name no longer signifies a living person, underscoring the fragility of identity in a world dictated by social conventions (p. 452).
6. The Paradox of Class Identity: When is a Class Not a Class?
- Marx asserts that the French peasantry in The Eighteenth Brumaire is both a class and not a class (p. 459).
- Lacking political representation, the peasants “must be represented” by Napoleon III, who claims to embody their interests even though he does not serve them (p. 459).
- This parallels Chabert’s dilemma—he exists, but society refuses to recognize him, mirroring the struggle of the dispossessed (p. 460).
7. Ideology as a Material Force: Social Reality is Constructed
- Petrey draws on Althusser’s theory that ideology interpellates individuals as subjects, meaning people do not exist outside of ideological structures (p. 465).
- In Colonel Chabert, Chabert is legally dead because ideology dictates it—even though he is alive, he is denied legal and social recognition.
- Similarly, in The Eighteenth Brumaire, Marx shows that ideology shapes political outcomes, as Napoleon III gains power by exploiting historical nostalgia (p. 464).
8. Political Theatricality: Power as Performance
- Marx describes Napoleon III’s rule as a theatrical performance rather than a genuine political movement (p. 467).
- His legitimacy is based not on economic or political reality but on his ability to manipulate signs, symbols, and historical myths (p. 467).
- Petrey links this to J. L. Austin’s concept of performative speech, where language does not merely describe reality but creates it (p. 464).
- This is mirrored in Colonel Chabert, where Chabert’s identity ceases to exist because legal and social discourse has erased him.
9. The Dialectic of Realism and Ideology
- Petrey argues that Balzac and Marx reject the idea that realism simply depicts material conditions.
- Instead, they show that social reality is constructed through ideology and discourse.
- Marx famously wrote that “the social revolution of the nineteenth century cannot draw its poetry from the past, but only from the future” (p. 468).
- This suggests that both revolutionary movements and reactionary regimes are constructed through historical narratives rather than purely economic conditions.
10. Literature and History as Interwoven Forms of Representation
- Petrey concludes that Balzac and Marx both challenge simplistic notions of reality and representation.
- Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire illustrate that ideology does not merely distort reality—it creates it (p. 468).
- Recognition and legitimacy are not inherent but socially constructed, determining who is acknowledged as a subject or class.
- Both texts demonstrate that history is not simply determined by economic forces but is actively shaped by ideological struggles and representations.
Theoretical Terms/Concepts in “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey
Term/Concept | Definition/Explanation | Relevance in the Article |
Economism | The assumption that economic structures alone determine social and ideological formations. | Petrey critiques this as too simplistic, arguing that both Balzac and Marx show that ideology has its own material force (p. 449). |
Ideology | A system of beliefs and representations that shape individuals’ perception of reality. | Marx and Balzac both depict ideology as actively shaping reality rather than merely obscuring it (p. 450). |
Representation | The way reality, identity, or historical events are depicted through language, symbols, and ideology. | Petrey argues that representation does not simply reflect reality but creates it, as seen in Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire (p. 452). |
Materialism | The philosophical perspective that social and political structures arise from material conditions rather than abstract ideas. | The Eighteenth Brumaire challenges strict materialism by showing that ideological narratives shape material reality (p. 457). |
Historical Materialism | Marxist theory that history develops through material economic conditions and class struggles. | Petrey shows how The Eighteenth Brumaire complicates this view by depicting history as shaped by ideological forces as well (p. 459). |
Base-Superstructure Model | The Marxist idea that the economic “base” (mode of production) determines the “superstructure” (politics, law, ideology). | Petrey argues that Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire challenge this hierarchy by showing that ideology can shape the base (p. 460). |
Interpellation | Althusser’s concept that individuals become subjects through ideological structures that define their identity. | Chabert is legally dead despite being alive, showing how social recognition determines existence (p. 465). |
Performative Speech | J. L. Austin’s concept that language does not just describe reality but actively creates it. | Napoleon III’s political legitimacy is based on performative discourse, not material reality (p. 464). |
Political Theatricality | The idea that political power is maintained through spectacle and symbolic acts rather than direct class control. | Napoleon III constructs his rule through performance and historical myth rather than economic necessity (p. 467). |
Class Struggle | The conflict between social classes over control of economic and political power. | The Eighteenth Brumaire shows how class struggle can be politically invisible despite existing materially (p. 457). |
False Consciousness | A Marxist concept where people misrecognize their true class interests due to ideological manipulation. | French peasants support Napoleon III because of historical nostalgia rather than material interests (p. 459). |
Semiotics | The study of signs and symbols and their meaning in language and culture. | Petrey uses semiotic analysis to show how names, identities, and political legitimacy are constructed through discourse (p. 452). |
Crisis of Representation | The idea that signs and symbols fail to correspond directly to reality. | Chabert is a man who exists but is not socially recognized, mirroring how class struggle exists but is politically absent (p. 460). |
Dialectical Semiotics | The Marxist idea that meaning is produced through contradictions in representation rather than direct reflection of reality. | The peasants are “both a class and not a class”—they exist materially but only gain political identity through Napoleon III’s representation (p. 459). |
Bourgeois Revolution | The transition from feudalism to capitalism through the rise of the bourgeoisie as a ruling class. | Marx describes bourgeois revolutions as relying on historical myths and theatricality rather than pure material necessity (p. 467). |
Historical Narratives | The way history is told and structured through ideological perspectives. | Napoleon III maintains power by invoking the past rather than by responding to contemporary material needs (p. 468). |
Contribution of “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey to Literary Theory/Theories
1. Marxist Literary Theory
- Challenges Economism:
- Petrey critiques the idea that economic structures alone determine social and ideological forms, arguing that ideology has its own material force. “Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire undermine the armature of economism, the hierarchical superiority of material reality over ideological concepts” (p. 449).
- Ideology as Material Force:
- Instead of viewing ideology as a mere reflection of economic conditions, Petrey shows that both Balzac and Marx depict ideology as actively shaping reality. “Because both texts represent ideology as a material reality in its own right, they make every hierarchy based on the opposition between matter and ideology untenable” (p. 450).
- Reevaluates Class Struggle:
- The Eighteenth Brumaire suggests that class struggle is not always politically visible, undermining the traditional Marxist notion that economic conditions alone drive historical change. “The proletariat may be the subject-object of history, but the history analyzed in The Eighteenth Brumaire takes place with neither workers nor the ‘revolutionary interests of their class’ affecting it” (p. 457).
- Political Power as Performance:
- Napoleon III’s legitimacy is derived not from material class struggle but from historical myth and representation. “Napoleon III consolidated his position by making other names change the world despite their ridiculous inability to describe it” (p. 456).
2. Structuralism and Semiotics
- Crisis of Representation:
- Petrey highlights how both Balzac and Marx depict the instability of representation, where signs (names, identities, political positions) fail to correspond to reality. “Colonel Chabert enacts the same dissociation of representation and reality, sign and referent, through continuous depiction of a living individual unsuccessfully seeking the name of a man declared dead” (p. 452).
- Language Constructs Reality:
- The article aligns with Ferdinand de Saussure’s structuralism by showing that representation is arbitrary but powerful. “The peasantry’s class being and Chabert’s death are ideal instances of the reality produced by what Austin named performative speech” (p. 464).
- Names and Identity:
- The case of Chabert losing his identity shows that language does not reflect reality but actively shapes it. “Chabert is therefore the most impertinent of challenges to the philosopheme of representation, a referent separated from its sign” (p. 453).
3. Poststructuralism and Deconstruction
- Destabilization of Meaning:
- Petrey engages in a deconstructive reading by showing that meaning in Marx and Balzac is always shifting. “Are we a class or are we a sack of potatoes? The French peasants might well ask Marx. In neither case is the answer definitive” (p. 459).
- Rejection of Fixed Reality:
- Petrey suggests that neither Balzac nor Marx believes in a stable, fixed reality that can be simply represented. “What was ‘concrete’ has become ‘abstract.’ The referent prior to ideology is now the imaginary derivative of ideological production” (p. 466).
4. Performative Theory (J.L. Austin, Judith Butler)
- Performativity in Politics:
- The article suggests that Napoleon III’s legitimacy is established through performative speech rather than material reality. “The adventurer, who took the comedy as plain comedy, was bound to win” (p. 464).
- Social Construction of Identity:
- Chabert is legally dead despite being alive, proving that identity is socially constructed through legal and ideological discourse. “Because Chabert is said, conceived, and narrated as dead, his real life-process ceases to be a matter of practical consequence” (p. 454).
5. New Historicism
- Interplay Between Literature and History:
- Petrey treats Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire as historical texts that both shape and are shaped by their socio-political contexts. “Balzac’s painful descriptions of Chabert’s physical deterioration do not reverse a hierarchy so much as undo the opposition on which it is based” (p. 455).
- Historical Representation as Fictional:
- The Eighteenth Brumaire shows that history itself is constructed through representation. “Historical tradition gave rise to the belief of the French peasants in the miracle that a man named Napoleon would bring all their glory back to them” (p. 464).
6. Postmodernism
- Reality as a Construct of Narrative:
- The article suggests that reality is not objectively given but constructed through historical and ideological narratives. “Poetry from the future and dramatis personae from the past are equally false to the present and equally crucial to historical change” (p. 468).
- Blurring of Fact and Fiction:
- Both Marx and Balzac depict political and social identities as theatrical performances rather than material truths. “Fictions are not that which Marxism must refuse but that which it must incorporate” (p. 468).
Summary of Contributions
Sandy Petrey’s “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” makes significant contributions to Marxist Literary Theory, Structuralism, Poststructuralism, Performative Theory, New Historicism, and Postmodernism by showing:
- Representation is not a mere reflection of reality but an active force in shaping it.
- Ideology has material effects, challenging the base-superstructure model.
- Identity and history are performative acts rather than fixed entities.
- Both Marx and Balzac depict history as theatrical and constructed through discourse.
Examples of Critiques Through “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey
Literary Work | Critique Through Petrey’s Lens | Key Concepts from “The Reality of Representation” |
1. Charles Dickens’ Bleak House | The novel’s legal system mirrors the ideological weight described by Petrey—where representation (the endless Chancery case of Jarndyce v. Jarndyce) becomes more real than the individuals caught in it. Chancery law, like Chabert’s death certificate, overpowers material reality. | Ideology as Material Force: The legal and bureaucratic systems shape lives independently of material reality, much like Chabert’s legal “death” in Colonel Chabert (p. 450). |
2. F. Scott Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby | Gatsby’s self-construction is an example of performative identity, similar to how Napoleon III builds legitimacy through historical myth rather than material reality. Gatsby, like Napoleon III, thrives on illusions rather than economic class struggle alone. | Performativity in Politics & Identity: Gatsby’s reinvention aligns with Napoleon III’s use of performative speech to consolidate power (p. 464). |
3. George Orwell’s 1984 | The Party’s ability to redefine historical truth (e.g., “Oceania has always been at war with Eastasia”) reflects Petrey’s argument that ideological constructs have material force. Just as Chabert’s death becomes reality through bureaucratic records, history in 1984 exists only as the Party narrates it. | Crisis of Representation: Reality is not fixed but is constructed by those in power—an idea central to Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire (p. 452). |
4. William Faulkner’s Absalom, Absalom! | The novel’s fragmented narratives and multiple retellings of the Sutpen story illustrate how history is not a single material reality but a contested ideological construct, much like the class struggle in The Eighteenth Brumaire. | Historical Representation as Fictional: History is performative and constructed through ideological framing rather than material facts (p. 464). |
Criticism Against “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey
- Overemphasis on Ideology at the Expense of Material Reality
- Petrey focuses on how ideology constitutes material reality but downplays the actual economic and class structures that shape social conditions.
- Critics may argue that while representation influences perception, it does not entirely determine material conditions, as Petrey seems to suggest (p. 452).
- Neglect of Class Struggle as a Material Force
- Marxist critics may argue that Petrey’s interpretation minimizes the role of actual class struggle in shaping historical events.
- The Eighteenth Brumaire is fundamentally about how economic contradictions create crises, yet Petrey prioritizes its performative aspects over its materialist critique (p. 459).
- Limited Engagement with Balzac’s Reactionary Politics
- While Petrey highlights Balzac’s influence on Marx, he does not sufficiently address Balzac’s conservative political stance.
- Balzac was a monarchist who sought to defend the aristocracy, raising questions about how his work aligns with Marxist materialism (p. 450).
- Potential Overreading of Theoretical Parallels
- Petrey draws strong connections between Balzac and Marx’s ideas, but some scholars may view this as an overinterpretation.
- The stylistic and thematic similarities between Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire do not necessarily mean that Balzac’s work inherently supports Marxist theory (p. 454).
- Insufficient Discussion of Alternative Readings
- The article does not engage deeply with alternative interpretations of The Eighteenth Brumaire or Colonel Chabert that might prioritize economic determinism over performativity.
- Terry Eagleton’s critique, which suggests that Marx’s work maintains a structured class analysis despite its performative elements, is not fully addressed (p. 461).
- Reliance on Postmodern Theories Without Acknowledging Their Limitations
- Petrey’s emphasis on performative language and ideological constructs aligns with postmodern thought but is not critically examined in relation to Marxist realism.
- Critics may argue that The Eighteenth Brumaire does not dissolve class structures but rather highlights their contradictions (p. 464).
- Lack of Concrete Historical Analysis
- While Petrey examines literary representation, his analysis does not sufficiently engage with historical accounts of the 1848 revolution and Napoleon III’s rise to power.
- The discussion of representation as reality might obscure the material forces that led to the Second Empire’s formation (p. 467).
Representative Quotations from “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey with Explanation
Quotation | Explanation |
“Colonel Chabert and The Eighteenth Brumaire undermine the armature of economism, the hierarchical superiority of material reality over ideological concepts. Because both texts represent ideology as a material reality in its own right, they make every hierarchy based on the opposition between matter and ideology untenable.” (p. 448-449) | Petrey argues that both Balzac and Marx challenge deterministic economic interpretations of history. Instead of seeing material forces as the only reality, they show how ideology itself can act as a material force, shaping political and social conditions. |
“Men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past. The tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living.” (Marx, qtd. on p. 450) | Petrey emphasizes how Marx borrows Balzac’s imagery to illustrate the oppressive weight of historical precedent. Both The Eighteenth Brumaire and Colonel Chabert depict history as something that constrains individuals rather than liberates them. |
“A living man has died if his death certificate is in order, for the fact in itself is nothing. With his name cut away from his self, Chabert has no alternative to letting his self go as well: ‘My name is offensive to me. I’d like not to be myself.'” (p. 457) | Petrey demonstrates how identity is constructed by social and legal recognition rather than personal existence. Chabert, though physically alive, is effectively erased because the state and society have already declared him dead. His personal reality is rendered meaningless without institutional recognition. |
“Marx’s identification of men and events as shadows without bodies in no way revokes the Marxist imperative to explain the world men and events produce. All that changes is the form explanation must take.” (p. 455) | Marx recognizes that political events sometimes appear as illusions, disconnected from material forces. However, Petrey clarifies that Marx does not abandon materialism; rather, he modifies it to account for the ideological forces that shape historical realities. |
“Bonaparte represents a class, and the most numerous class of French society at that, the small-holding [Parzellen] peasants. In so far as millions of families live under economic conditions of existence that separate their mode of life, their interests, and their culture from those of the other classes, and put them in hostile opposition to the latter, they form a class. In so far as there is merely a local interconnection among these small-holding peasants, and the identity of their interests begets no community, no national bond and no political organization among them, they do not form a class.” (Marx, qtd. on p. 459) | Marx’s paradoxical statement about the French peasantry—who are at once a class and not a class—mirrors the ambiguity in Colonel Chabert. Just as Chabert is both living and dead, the peasantry is a scattered collection of individuals who lack the self-consciousness to form a unified political class. |
“The social revolution of the nineteenth century cannot draw its poetry from the past, but only from the future. It cannot begin with itself before it has stripped away all superstition in regard to the past.” (Marx, qtd. on p. 467) | Petrey highlights Marx’s argument that revolutions must reject historical nostalgia. Unlike bourgeois revolutions, which reference past models (e.g., the Roman Republic), a proletarian revolution must create its own new forms of political representation. |
“From a speech-act perspective, Mehlman is fully justified to insist with such verve that the text of The Eighteenth Brumaire utterly dissipates the philosopheme of representation. But from the same perspective, Eagleton is correct to refuse out of hand Mehlman’s suggestion that the end of referential representation is the beginning of anarchy.” (p. 464) | Petrey invokes J.L. Austin’s speech-act theory to critique Mehlman’s claim that Marx’s work marks the dissolution of stable meaning. Petrey argues that rather than leading to chaos, the breakdown of traditional representation in The Eighteenth Brumaire actually reveals the power of ideological constructs to produce new realities. |
“Napoleon III consolidated his position by making other names change the world despite their ridiculous inability to describe it. At least since Plato, the contrast between shadow and substance has been a dominant Western metaphor for the distinction between reality and illusion at the core of standard materialist analysis. Yet Marx saw the rise of Napoleon III as a reality proceeding from illusion, as humanity and its history transformed by a shadow with no substance behind it.” (p. 456) | Petrey emphasizes that Marx’s theory does not merely contrast illusion with reality but instead recognizes how illusions themselves create new material realities. Napoleon III’s rule, though based on an empty historical myth, became a tangible political force. |
“Marxist analysis and the Comédie humaine establish a special meaning for the sociology of literature, a sense in which neither social nor literary realism can be understood apart from the other because each reveals the conditions on which the other depends. Society in Balzacian fiction and fiction in Marxist society are simultaneously imaginary and real.” (p. 468) | In his concluding argument, Petrey asserts that literature and history are mutually reinforcing. Just as Balzac’s fiction captures the realities of class struggle, Marxist theory acknowledges the performative nature of historical representation. |
“The peasantry’s class being and Chabert’s death are ideal instances of the reality produced by what Austin named performative speech, which could not be better defined than by recalling the lesson Eagleton drew from Marx, that under certain conditions expression ‘constitutes the very [thing] it signifies.'” (p. 465) | Petrey applies speech-act theory to The Eighteenth Brumaire and Colonel Chabert, arguing that in both cases, ideological and legal declarations do not merely describe reality but actively create it. The peasantry becomes a class because it is represented as one, just as Chabert dies because official documents say so. |
Suggested Readings: “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac” by Sandy Petrey
- Petrey, Sandy. “The Reality of Representation: Between Marx and Balzac.” Critical Inquiry, vol. 14, no. 3, 1988, pp. 448–68. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1343698. Accessed 10 Mar. 2025.
- Stallybrass, Peter. “Marx and Heterogeneity: Thinking the Lumpenproletariat.” Representations, no. 31, 1990, pp. 69–95. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/2928400. Accessed 10 Mar. 2025.
- Rieser, Max. “The Aesthetic Theory of Social Realism.” The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, vol. 16, no. 2, 1957, pp. 237–48. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/427602. Accessed 10 Mar. 2025.